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Remembering ‘Miss Carrie,' by David Nolan (SAR)

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I agree with St. Augustine civil rights historian David Nolan. Renaming a street in Lincolnville would be a great way to commemorate the late Carrie Johnson.



Remembering ‘Miss Carrie’

Posted at 3:15 PM
November 26, 2019
St. Augustine Record

EDITOR: Nov. 27 is the first anniversary of the death, at 83, of our beloved Carrie Johnson, “The Voice of Lincolnville.”

For the last quarter century of her life, she brightened the days of countless St. Augustinians— black and white alike — as she pedaled the three-wheeled vehicle she alternately called her Rolls Royce or her Lamborghini, greeting all with a wave and a hearty “Hi, darling!” on our downtown streets.

She organized annual Christmas caroling, started a foundation to aid homeless students, served as vice president of the Fort Mose Historical Society and was a founder of ACCORD (which gave us Florida’s first civil rights museum, and a permanently marked Freedom Trail of historic sites).

She was an Olympic torchbearer, a lighter of our famous Christmas light, and a devoted member of the Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings Society. She did laundry at St. Francis House, led the St. Patrick’s Day parade, and lent her outstanding voice to countless civic celebrations. She was truly one of the people who put the “Saint” in St. Augustine.

We were lucky to have her, and she should not be forgotten. She radiated a goodwill that encouraged all of us to do better.

Bravo Street is a small lane — just two blocks long —on the western edge of Lincolnville. Along it, Carrie lived her youngest days in an old family homestead that is now demolished. She spent her last Lincolnville years practically in the backyard of that original home, until the floodwaters of Hurricane Matthew displaced her and forced the Voice of Lincolnville to spend her final days in St. Augustine Shores.

The naming of streets is one way we have of honoring those who have made contributions to the Ancient City. Wouldn’t it be appropriate to rename Bravo Street (which, in fact, duplicates the name of another street near the bayfront) as “Carrie Johnson Way” to celebrate one who did so much to make St. Augustine a better place?

Do we have a City Commission that will make this a reality in the joyous spirit of the Christmas season?

David Nolan, St. Augustine

Editor’s note: Well said, David. Or maybe “Hi Darlin’ Drive?”

Another Sheriff going to federal prison (AP)

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Ex-Alabama sheriff gets 18 months in federal prison

The long arm of the law reached down into Pickens County, Alabama and caught the High Sheriff, DAVID ABSTON, doing what some Southern Sheriffs seem to do best -- committing crimes and covering them up. For 1000 years, in Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence, we've been electing Sheriffs, many of whom are no doubt honest. Some are criminals, like the late Anderson County Sheriff Dennis O. Trotter in East Tennessee, who called me "the most dangerous reporter I ever met in ny entire life." (He went to prison from 1984-1988 and ended up paying me a five figure settlement out of his own funds, in recompense for having me sued for libel and served the morning of my first law school exam in Memphis).

Proud of the FBI and U.S. Attorney in Alabama for the successful prosecution and sentencing of former Pickens County Sheriff DAVID ABSTON.

More on corruption among Alabama Sheriffs from Walt Bogdanich from The New York Times here.

From the Associated Press:





Former sheriff sentenced to 18 months for food fraud
Nov 25, 2019
AP
TUSCALOOSA, Ala. (AP) — A judge on Monday sentenced a former Alabama sheriff to 18 months in federal prison after he pleaded guilty to scamming a food bank and his own small-town church to obtain inexpensive jail food and boost his personal income.

U.S. District Judge Liles Burke sentenced former Pickens County Sherriff David Abston to serve 18 months for wire fraud and filing a false tax return, federal prosecutors said in a news release. Abston was ordered to pay $51,000 in restitution.

Abston was sheriff for over 30 years until the accusations derailed his lengthy law enforcement career. He resigned and pleaded guilty to one count of wire fraud and one count of filing a false tax return.


Prosecutors said Abston in 2014 got the West Alabama Food Bank to agree to provide low-cost food to his own church, Highland Baptist of Gordo. The food bank agreed to provide food to help feed the poor, including poor children. Instead, much of the food went to the Pickens County Jail which Abston ran.


The arrangement helped Abston boost his personal income, prosecutors said, because a state law at the time allowed sheriffs to pocket excess jail food funds. Legislators have since changed the law.

“Abston tarnished his office and his badge,” U.S. Attorney Jay Town said in a statement. “He found out today he isn’t above the law. Those who believe they are will find themselves in federal prison.”

Abston’s attorneys had asked for a sentence of home confinement and community service, citing his remorse and long history of public service.

“While Sheriff Abston is deeply disappointed in today’s sentence, he has accepted responsibility for the wrong he committed and respects the court’s decision imposing consequences for his actions. He will serve his sentence, do what good he can during his period of incarceration, and then return to the community he loves to continue his life of community involvement,” Abston’s defense attorneys said in an emailed statement.

Hate crimes rare in Florida. But only because many police fail to report them accurately. (Miami Herald)

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Education and training are critical to building better police departments that will respect equality and enforce the laws against hate crimes.  We've come a long way as a culture and as a country.  We need to guard against oppression at all levels, at all times.

From The Miami Herald:






Hate crimes rare in Florida. But only because many police fail to report them accurately
BY JACK BROOK
NOVEMBER 26, 2019 06:00 AM
The Miami Herald

A transgender woman gunned down in South Dade. Another burned to death in Clewiston. A third gender non-conforming person bound, beaten and dragged naked by car down the streets of Jacksonville.

All of these violent attacks took place in the last few months in Florida, and none have yet been identified by law enforcement as hate crimes, despite appeals from many in the LGBTQ community. Last year, Jacksonville led the nation in the murders of transgender women and not one of the killings, or other attacks against the LGBTQ community, were reported as hate crimes.

“We feel unsafe here,” said Paige Mahogany Parks, 47, a Jacksonville transwoman and director of the Transgender Awareness Project.

But you wouldn’t know it from the data. National hate crime statistics released by the FBI this month show that Florida continues to lag behind many other states in hate crime reporting. More than 90 percent of Florida law enforcement agencies said no hate crimes occurred in their districts. In comparison to Florida’s 141 official hate crimes, the District of Columbia — which has 20 million fewer people than Florida — reported 213 hate crimes. States with much smaller populations than Florida recorded many more hate crimes as well. New Jersey, for instance, reported 561.

“It is unlikely that 90 percent of (Florida’s) agencies actually have no hate crimes,” said Dr. Brendan Lantz, a criminology researcher at Florida State University. “If we take away that hate crime label, then we aren’t socially condemning acts motivated by bias in the way we should as a society.”

Since 1990, federal law has mandated the collection of hate crime data by the Department of Justice, but state agencies are not required to submit reports or track hate crimes — and many don’t. That is on top of the fact that more than half of all hate crimes are never reported to law enforcement. The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights recently expressed alarm over the “massive underreporting” of hate crimes, and criticized the lack of proper training or incentives for local agencies.

“If we are going to address the issue in a fact based and comprehensive way we have to get accurate data and statistics,” said state Rep. Carlos Guillermo Smith, D-Orlando, the first openly gay Latino lawmaker in Florida. He is leading efforts to improve hate crime protections in Florida. “And we simply don’t have that.”

IGNORANCE AND INSENSITIVITY

For many transgender women in Florida, dealing with harassment and violence is an unfortunate part of managing everyday life. When that verges into a bona fide hate crime can be uncertain, because many of these incidents are never brought to light or investigated.

Transgender woman Asia Best, 23, recalls being bullied by co-workers at a Fort Lauderdale fast food restaurant where she worked last year. Her colleagues — especially one woman — intentionally insulted her identity on a regular basis. Once, that woman, no longer employed there, came back and started insulting Best, who was working the register, loudly and publicly.

“You’re just a man that dresses up,” Best said the woman told her. “Nothing more than a man with a wig and lashes.”

The woman threw a drink at her, then came at Best. They got into a fight, and the woman ripped off Best’s ponytail. Police were called — they referred to Best as “Sir” — and no charges were pressed, Best said. She had been too overwhelmed in the moment and didn’t know how to process what was happening, she said. Later that week, she would be fired from her job due to the fight.

“I just want to walk out of my house and not have to worry about someone trying to hurt me,” Asia said. “I don’t want to be one of those statistics.”

Another transgender woman, Stacey Buchanan, 32, has had to pull a gun three times in the past few years to protect herself, she said. Once, she was walking with a transgender friend down South Beach; a man starting hitting on her and she brushed him off. Then she heard the man’s friend tell him: “those are men.” Moments later, Buchanan found herself facing down a knife-wielding assailant, kept at bay by her handgun.

Looking back, Buchanan walked through her attacker’s likely thought process: “I like these girls, they’re pretty. Then my friend tells me they’re trans; now, I feel I have to prove a point.”

She never told police because she didn’t trust them to help her, she said.

RAMPANT UNDER-REPORTING

Broward reported no hate crimes in 2017, and three race-based hate crimes in 2018. Between 2012 and 2017, the city of Miami reported zero hate crimes. That jumped to 10 in 2018. A Buzzfeed investigation found at least six aggravated assaults in reported to Miami police 2016 that were likely motivated by hate. For example, a Latino man was punched in the head and told to “go back to your country.”

Likewise, Miami-Dade police reported a single hate crime in 2017. The Miami-Dade police have acknowledged there may be problems and have taken steps to improve, including keeping a public list of hate crimes. In 2017, Miami-Dade police partnered with an FIU sociologist, Besiki Kutateladze to study hate crime under-reporting in its Hispanic LGBTQ community.

Because little local data exists apart from what departments report, Kutateladze said his research will highlight the widespread under-reporting in Miami-Dade. When he releases his results early next year he will have interviewed 400 gay men who say they were victims of a hate crime in Miami-Dade in the last five years.

“Law enforcement practitioners rely on official statistics,” Kutateladze said. “They don’t believe these crimes pose a serious problem. They are not prioritized at the agency level.”

Law enforcement education is key for improving hate crime reporting, said Justin Klecha, an LGBTQ advocate with the SAVE Foundation. For working with the LGBTQ community, departments should use the proper pronouns and have sensitivity training so that officers will know how to engage victims and encourage their cooperation.

“How that first handful of minutes of interaction starts has big impact in terms of how willing (victims) are to continue to deal with police,” Klecha said. “If an officer misgenders a person repeatedly, then that person’s trust, probably already low, will be none existent.”

The Miami-Dade police scored poorly on an assessment by the National Center for Transgender Equality of its policies for working with transgender individuals. The department has said it will focus on improving its policies.

In the killing of Sasha Garden last year in Orlando, local channels reported the murder with headlines like “man wearing wig, dressed as woman found dead” based on how she had been described in police reports.

And in the murder of Kiki Fantroy, a Miami-Dade police report only referred to Fantroy as a male, with no mention of her transgender identity.

Law enforcement in Florida often “dead-names” transgender individuals — using their birth name and gender identity in press releases and official reports. Besides being disrespectful, advocates say that this can hamper investigations.

“If you don’t identify victims properly, as people would know them, it could lead to problems in solving crimes — cueing the right people in that something happened to someone they know,” said Dan Merkan, Policy Director for JASMYN, an organization supporting the LGBTQ+ community in Jacksonville.

Eric Shaun Bridges was charged with beating up a man in Jacksonville, tying him to his car and dragging him several blocks, nearly killing him. Friends said the victim was guy and enjoyed cross-dressing. There was no mention of the victim’s sexual orientation in the police report and LGBTQ advocates were only alerted to the crime by a reporter, Merkan said.

“What was done was so horrific, you would think that there might be a hate crime element to it,” said Merkan.

The Jacksonville Sheriff’s Office did not respond to phone calls and emails requesting information on the case and others. The JSO has recently introduced an LGBT liaison team and additional sensitivity training for its officers.

A spokesperson for the Duval County State Attorney’s office said prosecutors have already filed the maximum sentence of life imprisonment against Bridges, and therefore cannot apply the hate crime enhancement statute. The case, along with the city’s recent transgender murder cases, remain under investigation, and the State Attorney’s office said it cannot comment on the motives. It was not clear if Bridges had retained an attorney.

Jacksonville transgender activist Paige Mahogany Parks said that trans women and others in the LGBTQ community are often attacked by people who they have had consensual sex with or who have expressed attraction to them; their assailants may later fear the relationship becoming public or facing ridicule from friends. They may feel they have to recover their street credibility.

“The men can’t live in their truth so they killing us because of being outed,” Parks said.

DIFFERENT DEPARTMENTS, DIFFERENT ATTITUDES

Within Miami-Dade county, the number of hate crimes police departments report varies greatly — as do their attitudes about how to approach hate crimes.

All crimes contain an element of bias, said Miami-Dade Police spokesman Christopher Thomas.

“As far as we are concerned, if someone kills someone that is a hate crime,” Thomas said. “We just document what is being said and we move forward from there.”

The Miami-Dade Police Department does not have any specific training or policy for investigating hate crimes. Similarly, Miami police have just a single sentence in their training that directly mentions hate crimes, though the department’s standard operating procedure goes into more depth.

Thomas said that Miami-Dade police will investigate crime scenes, gather evidence, and if that evidence triggers the hate crime enhancement, prosecutors in the State Attorney’s office will make the decision about how to proceed.

“You can’t prove hate unless the person actually says something specific to that effect,” Thomas said. “You don’t know why that person did that if they don’t show any signs of hate.”

The state attorney’s office ultimately decides whether to apply a hate crime enhancement statute, which bumps up charges. But it’s up to local law enforcement agencies to decide whether something should be reported as a hate crime, and whether law enforcement properly documents an incident impacts how prosecutors approach the case.

“All homicides are vigorously investigated by the involved police agencies,” said Miami-Dade State Attorney’s Office spokesperson Ed Griffith in an email statement to the Herald. “If sufficient evidence is uncovered that could merit additional charges, those actions would be taken.”

Miami Beach Police Department, the district with the most hate crimes in the state, has a thorough approach to dealing with bias-motivated crime — which likely explains why it led the state with 20 reported hate crimes in 2018.

Since 2010, all Miami Beach officers have been required to go through a hate crime training prepared by recently retired detective Juan Sanchez, the department’s former LGBQT liaison. Each year, officers review the hate crime statute, discuss a range of case studies and review best practices for investigating and documenting possible hate crimes.

“We train them to look at what happened before, what happened afterwards,” Sanchez said.

Officers have to fill out electronic incident reports, and they are only able to submit the form once they indicate whether an incident was bias-motivated. The department also has a 24/7 hotline for hate crimes. When Sanchez served on the force, he was directly paged whenever someone called the line.

He would also sit down with the public records custodian review each case the department had flagged as a hate crime before sending it to the Florida Department of Law Enforcement, which compiles hate crimes statistics for the state.

“If it was reported as a hate crime and we listed it as a hate crime, we will report it to the state of Florida,” Sanchez said. “We go a little bit overboard to make sure we are reporting it accurately.”

AN INCOMPLETE STATE HATE CRIMES STATUTE?

State Rep. Guillermo Smith said he knows first-hand the impact of being a hate crime victim. In 2003, while attending a college party, he and a friend were violently assaulted by a homophobic man who shouted gay slurs.

“At the time, I was a young gay man who had just come out as gay and to have such a traumatic and violent experience like that…for me it really sent this sense of fear through me about what my life was going to be like as an out gay man,” Guillermo Smith said.

Now representing Orlando in the Florida Legislature, Guillermo Smith has led efforts to broaden the groups protected under the state’s hate crimes statute. Currently, gender, gender identity and disability are not included (though all are part of federal hate crimes law). So far, the legislation has never made it out of committee.

Last year, a man murdered six women in a Tallahassee yoga studio mass shooting. Despite the killer’s well-documented history of misogyny, none of the murders were prosecuted as hate crimes or included in the FBI statistics.

“Our hate crimes statute has not been updated or modernized,” Rep. Guillermo Smith said. “It needs to be expanded.”




Read more here: https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/crime/article237374074.html#storylink=cpy

Who’s flying on Florida state aircraft and should they be paying? Records don’t say. (NSoF/Miami Herald)

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This not-so-subtle corruption of our government by the Florida Department of Law Enforcement and Governor RONALD DION DeSANTIS is indefensible, and must be ended at once.  Your thoughts?  From the News Service of Florida and Miami Herald:








Who’s flying on Florida state aircraft and should they be paying? Records don’t say.

 

This Beechcraft Super King Air B200 is similar to the type of plane Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has been using this year while negotiations continue on obtaining a Cessna Citation Latitude corporate jet for his official travel.

This Beechcraft Super King Air B200 is similar to the type of plane Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has been using this year while negotiations continue on obtaining a Cessna Citation Latitude corporate jet for his official travel.  AP

The Florida Department of Law Enforcement failed to report the names of passengers flying on state-operated aircraft and the purposes of their travels to show all transportation was for official state business, according to a new audit.
State auditors examined a sample of flight records kept by the law-enforcement agency between January 2019 and June 2019 to determine whether it properly charged people for transportation costs.
The records showed 1,311 passengers had flown on 310 state-operated flights, and none of them were subject to travel charges, according to the report by the Florida Auditor General released last week.
While the department kept a record of the number of passengers on each flight, it failed to indicate the names of people and whether they were traveling on official state business, the report said.
“The absence of department records evidencing the specific individuals transported on department flights or the purpose of their travels frustrates the ability to assess the department’s assertion that all transportation on department aircraft is for official state business,” auditors wrote.
People who are not traveling on state business are allowed to fly on state-operated aircraft under certain circumstances. They may accompany the governor, the lieutenant governor, a member of the Florida Cabinet, the Senate president, the House Speaker or the Florida Supreme Court chief justice when those officials are on state business and seats are available, according to state law.
However, the people not traveling on state business have to pay a portion of the transportation costs.
In response to the audit, Florida Department of Law Enforcement officials said the agency “only allows passengers on its aircraft for law enforcement mission flights and to provide security and transportation for the governor and the governor’s immediate family.”
Therefore, agency officials said the department “does not fly with seats available or on a cost-sharing basis and that all department aircraft is for official state business only.”
But auditors maintained that just because a person is authorized to travel with the governor or his family while on state business “does not inherently constitute state business.”
Without adequate flight records, auditors said, FDLE “cannot demonstrate that all individuals were flying on official state business and therefore were not subject to applicable transportation charges.”
The audit came as FDLE attorneys continue to negotiate a $15.5 million contract for a new jet for Gov. Ron DeSantis. The governor’s proposed budget for the 2020-21 fiscal year also includes $1.2 million in recurring funds toward financing the plane.
But until specifics are hashed out, it remains unclear when the plane — a Cessna Citation Latitude model from Textron Aviation Inc. — will be made available to the governor, who regularly flies across the state.
The decision to buy a jet for DeSantis came after former Gov. Rick Scott, the wealthiest governor in state history, got rid of state planes and used his own private plane to travel the state.
The move left DeSantis, who was elected last November, flying on an aircraft that raised concerns after it experienced a mechanical malfunction in January and required an emergency landing.
The plane has been fixed since the scare, according to FDLE spokeswoman Jessica Cary. This year, the agency also budgeted $400,000 to upgrade the plane’s avionics to meet new Federal Aviation Administration regulations, Cary said.

Read more here: https://www.miamiherald.com/news/politics-government/state-politics/article237808604.html#storylink=cpy

Georgia governor's adviser hits back at Gaetz: 'We don't care what you think' (The Hill)

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U.S. Rep. Matthew Gaetz (R-FL1) has done it again. The Governor of Georgia gets to appoint a new U.S. Senator after the incumbent's resignation becomes effective at the end of 2019.

Georgia governor's adviser hits back at Gaetz: 'We don't care what you think' 



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An adviser to Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp (R) hit back at Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.) on Friday after Gaetz, a top ally of President Trumpwarned that Kemp could face a primary challenger if he doesn't appoint Trump's preferred candidate to a soon-to-be open Senate seat. 
"Mind your own business. We don’t know you and we don’t care what you think," tweeted Ryan Mahoney, whom the Atlanta Journal-Constitution identified as a top Kemp adviser.

He was responding to an earlier tweet from Gaetz which said: "You all begged for @realDonaldTrump ’s support. Now, you are directly acting in contravention to his request."
The Florida lawmaker had previously tweeted that Kemp should appoint Rep. Doug Collins (R-Ga.) to the Senate seat that will be vacated by Johnny Isakson (R), who's resigning at the end of the year due to health concerns.
"If you substitute your judgement for the President’s, maybe you need a primary in 2022," Gaetz wrote. 
Gaetz's tweet follow reports that Kemp is expected to choose financial executive Kelly Loeffler for the role. 

I'm running for Supervisor of Elections of St. Johns County, Florida

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I'm Ed Slavin. I'm running for the Democratic nomination to be St. Johns County Supervisor of Elections. I've lived in St. Augustine for 20 years.

Only child of Ed Slavin, Sr., a World War II 82nd Airborne Division paratrooper (volunteered day after Perarl Harbor), et ux, Mary Elizabeth Donlon Slavin -- proud descendants of immigrant refugees, who fled Polish pogroms and Irish potato famine -- both activist union organizers.

My mom told me the chances of my being born were less than one in 100,000: it took twelve years.

I've been a journalist and a lawyer.  Four times, I swore oaths to uphold our Constitution, working for three Democratic Senators and two sagacious administrative law judges.  I represented nine federal ALJs as clients,  empowering American workers to speak out against injustice.

Disbarred in 2006 after zealous advocacy.Tennessee Supreme Court called me "brilliant," as the St. Augustine Record editorialized in 2006, after I was attacked for reporting the dumping of a landfill in a lake by America's Oldest City. The Record wrote that I've accomplished much in life, including the 1983 declassification of the largest mercury pollution event in the history of our planet.  After exposing the City of St. Augustine's Illegal dumping of a landfill in a lake, I was named an "environmental hero" by Folio Weekly. 40,000 cubic yards of contaminated waste is now in a Class I landfill, not trucked back in 2000 truckloads to Lincolnville, as some of our misguided City and State officials actually proposed.

Nevertheless, I persisted, supporting a St. Augustine National Historical Park and National Seashore, first proposed by Mayor Walter Fraser in 1939.  I've helped:


  • stop voting rights violations -- the right to vote for Mayor remains intact
  • stop gerrymandering and discriminatory redistricting, backed by constitutional law, activists and our St. Johns County Commission
  • stop purchase of a no-bid luxury Bell Jet helicopter for $1.8 million, winning a refund of the deposit
  • call out County Administrator's mismanagement, including ill-treatment of women; he's been fired
  • report maladministration
  • achieve public interest victories
  • elect reformers
  • advance equality 

Have I made mistakes? Yes.

I always spoke for underdogs.

USDOL Chief Administrative Law Judge Nahum Litt (1979-1995) added:
... what were Mr. Slavin's alleged "failings?" He complained the Department of Labor has failed to enforce almost all of the labor protective positions it is charged to enforce, has spent years deciding workers' cases that were supposed to have final decisions within 90 days, and  deliberately s[a]t on cases" fr years.
Ed "complained on behalf of his clients that they were entitled to decisions that could be appealed to courts, and that the delays were deliberate and unconscionable. There is ample evidence to support both charges, including that many of the delays were ordered by political appointees....."
What Tennessee and the Department of Labor did was get rid of a qualified advocate who was outspoken about the failings of the system and those who administered that system. It was they who have eroded the public confidence in the judicial system.
St. Augustine officials should listen respectfully and answer his questions about environmental crimes and other subjects.

Ed Bricker wrote: "Ed Slavin zealously represented me against Hanford, Washington nuclear weapons plant employers. Working for reforms to protect American workers, Ed Slavin put his career on the line to rescue others.  I was the daily victim of a hostile working environment (joined by the local union I served as steward). Federal OSHA's Assistant Regional Administrator John Spear uncovered illegal surveillance, sabotaged breathing-apparatus and daily torment. Hanford managers branded me a "mole" (spy) for reporting life-threatening environmental, safety and health hazards, working with Congressman John Dingell's investigators.

Retired FBI, HUD and EPA Senior Special Agent Robert E. Tyndall wrote the Record that I "saved [his] life," stating:
"I applaud your newspaper for defending Ed Slavin and the First Amendment....
"Late in my career, I would not and could not sign my name to a report that resulted in a cover-up of major criminal wrongdoing by highly placed EPA officials. I was left with no choice but to file an environmental whistleblower case. Other than Ed Slavin, I was encouraged to persist only by my wife, Lynda, Congressman John Dingell's office (whose investigator referred me to Ed Slavin), and then-journalist Tony Snow. Ed completely documented EPA's attempted cover-up of $100 million in acid rain research fraud, conflicts of interest, waste and abuse.
"Ed represented me in my U.S. DOL environmental whistleblower case against EPA and its inspector general, winning a precedent-setting case that protected future environmental investigators' rights, reversing two DOL judges....
Trust me, Ed Slavin is not for sale. The First Amendment is not dead, yet.

I would be honored to be your St. Johns County Supervisor of Elections.

With kindest regards, I am,

Sincerely yours,

Ed Slavin
Box 3084
St. Augustine, Florida 32085-3084
904-377-4998
edforstjohnscounty@gmail.com





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Great profile by Shelton Hull in Folio Weekly of Congressional candidate Donna Deegan:


A Seasoned Competitor

Donna Deegan makes her move

Posted 
In politics, as in sports, a fast start is just as important as a strong finish. Donna Deegan nailed the first part, and the rest remains to be seen. After years of gentle prodding by friends and fans, she has finally decided to go all-in on a bid for political office. The official announcement was made November 14, amid a whirlwind round of local media stories that effectively spread the word to all of Northeast Florida in a matter of hours.
Deegan’s first day as a political candidate began on the air with Melissa Ross, her former colleague at First Coast News who now hosts First Coast Connect on WJCT, and it ended with a fundraiser at the home of Kevin Clair and Tracye Polson where she set a record by raising more than $85,000 on her first day. But the main event was her announcement, which came immediately after the radio spot. Deegan, a graduate of Bishop Kenny High School and FSU, credits a class visit by Deborah Gianoulis with inspiring her own move into journalism. She started at WTXL in Tallahassee back in 1984. From there, she moved on to WTVX in Fort Pierce and WPEC in West Palm Beach before returning home to WTLV in 1988. She became a familiar face in a city known for its emotional investment with local television reporters.
Her three battles with breast cancer—in 1999, 2002 and 2007—were documented on-air, and viewers followed her journey the way they would a member of their own family. Deegan did a lot to strip away the stigma of that disease, becoming a lifeline for thousands of others who have since shared their own stories. Surely we all know someone who has been touched by these efforts; indeed, you may have been.
Credit must also be given to Deegan’s former colleague, Jeannie Blaylock, who started the Buddy Check 12 initiative in 1994. This effort to encourage self-exams by women has expanded to dozens of other television stations around the world, in the process saving more lives than anyone has ever attempted to count.
Deegan, 58, retired from full-time broadcasting in 2012 and shifted her focus to advocacy for breast cancer survivors through the DONNA Foundation, which has dispersed more than $5 million into research and education efforts, while helping support more than 12,000 families since its founding in 2003. She’s probably best known today for (literally) running the 26.2 With Donna Marathon, which draws upwards of 10,000 runners and fans from more than 20 countries and all 50 states; the next race is scheduled for February 9. Practice runs take place all over the First Coast and have proven as useful for networking as they have for cardio.
From humble beginnings, the marathon quickly grew into one of the most prestigious distance-running events held anywhere in the world, but that is just the tip of the proverbial iceberg. The DONNA Careline provides 24/7 financial assistance and advice to people fighting breast cancer and their families. There’s also The Players 5K, presented by the Nimnicht Family of Dealerships, where nearly 2,000 participants traverse the terrain at TPC Sawgrass, and the Jags Give and Go, where folks can buy football tickets through the foundation, with a portion of proceeds going to support cancer survivors.
Deegan moves fast, as one would expect of a runner. Within three weeks, she had begun crafting her platform, prepared her social media accounts, commissioned her logo, put in orders for her promotional gimmicks and built a small but potent campaign staff: Communications Manager Kevin Cate has worked with Nikki Fried, Andrew Gillum, Charlie Crist and Barack Obama. Campaign Consultant Scott Arceneaux held director gigs for the state’s Democratic Party here and in Louisiana. Phil Perry, a VP at Asana Creative Strategy, who also worked for Obama, leads Deegan’s digital communications operation. Political Consultant Jane Rayburn has campaign experience in Boston and Chicago—two of the all-time great Democratic territories. Augmenting that core are several hundred folks lined up to volunteer already, a group that includes a number of prominent activists spanning the ideological spectrum. “I have a kitchen cabinet that probably has as many Republicans on it as Democrats,” Deegan said, laughing. “My whole goal here is to make this very inclusive, bipartisan effort.”
Team Donna is led by Campaign Manager Erica Connor, a youthful veteran of local politics who also serves as president of the Ponte Vedra Democratic Club and a director for a statewide political committee called Journey Forward. “The response has been very positive,” said Connor, who currently holds elected office herself, as a supervisor for the St. Johns County Soil & Water Conservation District. Both women played key roles in cultivating the infamous “Blue Wave” that delivered Democratic victories in conservative territory last year.
It was Andrew Gillum who inspired Deegan to make her initial foray into political life, and it was Deegan’s deep base of personal connections that helped bring him closer to the Governor’s Mansion than any Democratic politician in a quarter-century. “He is a dear friend,” Deegan said, “and he has taught me a lot about the dedication needed to run for an office like this. I believe that he is one of the most authentic people that I’ve ever had the privilege to witness in the political space.”
The two remain close, and Gillum was one of many, many, many people over the years (long before 2018) who encouraged her to run for office in her own right. His was perhaps the most credible voice saying so, having personally witnessed the response she drew from around the First Coast while introducing him at rallies, not to mention her boundless energy (which is just crazy, even by Andrew Gillum standards). “I’m just awed by the opportunity I had to do that,” Deegan says, “and I think that a lot of how I proceed in this race will be modeled after his hard work ethic.”
Just five hours after Deegan’s announcement, Gillum also became her first high-profile endorsement, issuing a mass email through her campaign website. “Donna is committed to making sure everyone has the right to health care, she believes in science, and she believes that universal background checks are needed to help stop gun violence,” he writes. “She’s the candidate that will get it done—and flip this district from red to blue.”
Deegan is a member of the Democratic Party, of course, but as a daughter of the South, her influences run the gamut. In these increasingly polarized times, she has no problem reaching across the aisle. “One of the things that Ronald Reagan knew very well was that there has to be a win for everyone, or it is not sustainable. Compromise has got to stop being a dirty word, because we are not going to get to anything sustainable unless people feel like they are being heard. I think that’s the way forward, regardless of what our opinions are about things. We’ve got to understand that we don’t always get everything we want.”
“I’m not in this because I want to be a politician. I have no interest in being a lifelong politician,” she says. “I think Tillie Fowler had that right. She was an amazing, visionary person, and she was absolutely spot-on, in terms of term limits. That’s the biggest problem we have right now. Unfortunately, our politicians don’t spend a lot of time listening to us. What happens is, the special interests get involved, and no one wants to give the other side a win, and here we are.”
Insiders were already buzzing, queued-up and clued-in, by the time Deegan made the 15-minute drive from WJCT across the river to the gorgeous Avondale home of Wayne Wood and Lana Shuttleworth, where Deegan delivered her first speech as a candidate for the U.S. House, Florida’s District 4. (Her initial plan was to announce at Friendship Fountain, but that was scuttled due to an obscure rule prohibiting use of that space for political events. However, we brought her back there to shoot the photos that accompany this article.) Volunteers at a table out front gave out t-shirts, buttons, signs and the all-important petitions, while Deegan watched the crowd growing from inside the living room. This was a long time coming.
“Everybody else has been thinking about it. I really wasn’t,” she said. “I wanted to support other people, and be part of the grassroots movement and all that. At the end of the day, what happened was that I just kept saying to myself, ‘Here we are at the edge of this cliff, and if we don’t back off of this cliff, we may lose our democracy.’”
There was no magic moment, no dramatic tipping-point. Deegan has never really been prone to impulsive behavior. Rather, it was a series of gradual shifts, a game of inches. “I decided it was better than throwing things at the television,” Deegan said. “If I can do it, and I have the ability to do it, and the passion to do it, and I believe that I can speak with people and listen to people, then I should do it.”
The podium was posted up on the front porch. Connor, Dr. Parvez Ahmed, Toni Hernandez and the candidate’s husband, the iconic local weatherman Tim Deegan, preceded her to it. They all got visibly emotional while touting the courage she’s shown as a three-time survivor of breast cancer, a fight that began 20 years ago. If she wins, Deegan will join an entire delegation of cancer survivors in the U.S. Congress.
The mutual animus for the disease is a rare area of bipartisan sentiment, but it’s unclear what exactly government can do to win this fight. As you might expect, Deegan has a few ideas. “I love the moonshot idea,” she said. “I think we need to invest a lot more in cancer research. But really, primarily, what they can do is get out of the way on healthcare. People are dying every day, every single day. I was talking to a woman two months ago, who said to me, ‘I’m sitting here with stage four breast cancer, and I may lose my life, because I did not want to be a financial burden to my family.’ Now, how much more will that cost the system than it would have cost just to take care of it at the very beginning?”
In terms of policy, Deegan’s primary focus is on healthcare, an area that she has surveyed from every conceivable perspective throughout the years. Few issues get as much attention in politics today, and few politicians know the issue as comprehensively as Deegan does. “I don’t know how many people remember this, but the Affordable Care Act was originally a construct of the Heritage Foundation,” she said. “It was considered a compromise to what a lot of people on the left wanted, and now it’s vilified as this sort of far-left crazy thing.” While others fixate on the nuances of policy, rushing to formulate plans they can name after themselves, Deegan takes a holistic approach to a complex subject.
“Listen, anybody that is looking at the costs of healthcare, and the morality of not providing healthcare in this nation, is for universal healthcare. That is a no-brainer,” she says. “We just have to figure out a way to get there. I don’t care how we do it, but everybody has to be covered, period.” Leaning forward into the verbiage, there is no sense of recitation. The words flow smoothly and seemingly spontaneous, though of course they can’t be. Her television career was all about stylized study, hard work rendered effortlessly, and she’s taken that method into a new arena.
Tim Deegan was especially moved—and moving—when he told the story from his perspective. He has witnessed her struggles more closely than anyone, and he knows better than anyone how much she risks by taking this step. The Deegans met as rising young stars at WTLV, and their whirlwind romance became arguably the most talked-about love story in local history. Time noted that some of their first real conversations at the time revolved around politics, but their own views were a closely-kept secret until only recently. (His still are, since he remains a fixture in local media. One might assume his views to be as fully simpatico in politics as they are in every other aspect of life, but you never really know, especially these days.)
For 20 years, the Deegans have reigned among the region’s major power couples, and as their power accrued, with interest, folks wondered aloud what the next step would be. Now we know. Everyone knows, especially the incumbent, Rep. John Rutherford. The former sheriff slid into the spot vacated by the great Ander Crenshaw, taking a seat that had always been effectively written-off as GOP property. Deegan’s entry makes the district immediately more competitive than it has been since its grand gerrymandering after the 1990 census. Rutherford’s campaign staff have smartly kept quiet about the challenge so far, but they began prepping their defense before his supporters even knew there was anyone to be defended against. “The Congressman has no comment on any one of the number of candidates that have filed to run in the fourth District,” says campaign staffer Tim Baker. “He looks forward to running a vigorous re-election campaign focused on his record of results for the citizens of Northeast Florida.”
For her part, Deegan credits her opponent for helping motivate her decision to run. “One of the things that really helped me make up my mind is that I heard Rep. Rutherford on [Ross’] show,” she said. “And he said, ‘I’m not gonna have any town hall meetings, because I don’t want to be part of the dysfunctional process.’ He doesn’t want to give people their 15 minutes of fame. But to me, that’s part of your job as a representative, to take those uncomfortable meetings, to take those darts that are going to be thrown at you, to listen to people who disagree with you. That’s how we learn; that’s how we move the country forward.”
Deegan is a kind person, but politics is not a nice business, and she is gearing up to fight a whole different type of battle than anything she’s fought to date. She’s ready for the heat, ready for the drama. “That’s part of it, but that can’t stop good people from running for office,” she said. “It has stopped good people from wanting to run but, look, cancer hasn’t killed me, so I guess this won’t kill me, one way or the other. As long as my husband loves me, and my kids love me, I’m good to go.”
Taking the makeshift stage in an off-white tailored dress, Deegan hovers just above five feet, even with her ever-present heels. She had a box positioned near the podium, so she could be better seen, but she didn’t need it. Some politicians are lucky to get a standing ovation, but in this case, folks just stood up the whole time. She seemed to almost levitate above the fray as she told her story, energized by an electric crowd response that lit up the sky on that cloudy Thursday morning. History was being made, and so, perhaps, was the future, but that remains to be seen.

$100,000,000 Lydia Cladek Fraud Conspiracy Bared

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Reading the 2014 Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals decision in United States of America v. Lydia Cladek.

Occupying an entire Sea Grove office building in St. Augustine Beach, Lydia Cladek defrauded investors as she employed 100 employees, while stealing $100 million.

St. Johns County has harbored several fraudulent schemes, all empowered by the desuetude of State's Attorney RALPH JOSEPH LARIZZA and Sheriff DAVID BERNARD SHOAR, who legally changed his name from "HOAR" in 1994.



At age 93, eighteen (18) years from now,  on September 21, 2037, convicted fraudfeasor LYDIA I. CLADEK will be released from federal prison after serving her federal prison sentence of 30 years and four (4) months for running a $100 million fraud, euchring investors with a get-rich-quick scheme involving 29% interest rate used automobile loans, which bankrupted dozens, including local residents, while ripping off low-income purchasers with low credit scores.  

CLADEK was a generous contributor to local churches and nonprofits, albeit with stolen money. 

CLADEK was a pillar of St. Augustine Beach, where her LYDIA CLADEK, INC. corporate HQ occupied two floors of an office building at Sea Grove (the former beautiful location of Cooksey's Campground).

LYDIA I. CLADEK is know known as Federal Bureau of Prisons (BOP) inmate no. 53820-018, serving her sentence at the Coleman Florida Federal Correctional Institution.

Among other inmates at Coleman FCI with LYDIA CLADEK disgraced former Jacksonville Democratic Congresswoman CORINNE BROWN, BOP inmate no. 67315-018, who will be released on June 6, 2022, at age 75, after serving five years in federal prison.  BROWN was found guilty of defrauding contributors to a phony nonprofit scholarship charity, using the funds as her own personal piggy bank.
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To corrupt Florida fraudfeasors: it can happen to you.  

The FBI, SEC, FDLE and OFR are watching.  

So are we.

As Jimmy Carter said, "I see no reason why bigshot crooks should go free, and the poor ones go to jail."

And as the late Memphis law professor W.H. "Toby" Sides put it, "The pigs get fat but the hogs get slaughtered."

The Court of Appeals affirmed Cladek's 365 month prison sentence:


IN THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE ELEVENTH CIRCUIT ________________________
No. 13-10024 ________________________
D.C. Docket No. 3:10-cr-00277-TJC-TEM-1 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Appeal from the United States District Court for the Middle District of Florida ________________________
(September 22, 2014) Before HULL, MARCUS, and BLACK, Circuit Judges.
PER CURIAM:
After a jury trial, defendant-appellant Lydia Cladek was convicted of one

count of conspiracy to commit wire fraud and mail fraud, 18 U.S.C. §§ 1341, 1343,
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1349, four substantive counts of wire fraud, id. § 1343, and nine substantive counts of mail fraud, id. § 1341. The district court imposed a total sentence of 365 months’ imprisonment. On appeal, Cladek challenges only her conviction of the conspiracy offense and her 365-month sentence. After careful review of the record and the briefs, and with the benefit of oral argument, we affirm.
I. CLADEK’S FRAUD SCHEME
Cladek challenges the sufficiency of the evidence as to her conspiracy conviction. Cladek argues there was insufficient evidence that she formed an agreement with another person to accomplish an unlawful object. Therefore, we describe the trial evidence of Cladek’s fraud and of unindicted co-conspirator Ivette Reyes’s knowing participation in that scheme.A. The Formation of Cladek’s Company, LCI
Around 1998, defendant Cladek formed a business in St. Augustine, Florida—Lydia Cladek, Inc. (“LCI”). LCI’s original business model was to:
(1) receive money from investors in exchange for LCI’s executing one- or two- year fixed interest promissory notes payable to the investors; (2) use investor money to purchase subprime auto loan notes at discounts; (3) pledge auto loan notes as security for the investors’ notes; (4) service the auto loan notes and thus collect the high interest payments attached to them; and (5) pass a percentage of
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the money earned from the auto loan notes back to investors and keep the rest as profit.
Cladek promised investors interest payments of between fifteen and eighteen percent. Cladek also represented that the promissory notes LCI executed would be fully collateralized by the auto loans, and that, if an auto loan defaulted, was paid off, or became unsecured (because a car was wrecked or stolen), LCI would use reserve funds to purchase a replacement auto loan note.
Specifically, the promissory notes LCI executed stated: “[LCI] hereby pledges and assigns to [the investor] all of its interests in the automobile retail installment sales contracts listed on attached Addendum[.]” The notes warranted: (1) “[t]he contracts hereby assigned as collateral are genuine and valid”; (2) “[t]he contract[s] hereby assigned are free and clear of all liens and encumbrances”;
(3) “[LCI] shall not, until such time as all of the terms of the promissory notes are met, subject the contracts to any other liens or encumbrances”; and (4) “[LCI] agrees to maintain a principal balance of collateral equal to or in excess of payee’s loan.”
B. Ivette Reyes’s Role at LCI
At trial, one of the government’s key witnesses was Ivette Reyes. In 2001, Reyes started working for LCI, when LCI employed only five or six people. Reyes continued working there until February 2010. Reyes started working at LCI after
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her mother, Ruth Reyes, had first worked for Cladek. Initially, Reyes was a secretary. In April 2001, Reyes began doing accounting work and later became the head of LCI’s accounting department.
One of Reyes’s accounting duties was overseeing LCI’s general operating account. Reyes prepared checks from that account for Cladek to sign. These checks were for interest payments to investors and for purchasing subprime auto loan notes from car dealers. Reyes also deposited investors’ checks into that account.
Additionally, Reyes prepared promissory notes, from LCI to be issued to investors, for Cladek to sign. Upon receiving an investor’s check, Reyes entered information about the investor and the investment into a standard form and then sent Cladek a draft promissory note. Cladek signed all of the promissory notes Reyes prepared.
Reyes’s third main duty was attaching collateral to the promissory notes. To do this, Reyes accessed a database containing information about all of the auto loan notes LCI owned. Reyes selected a set of auto loan notes having a total value of usually about ten to twenty percent more than the amount of the promissory note. The attachment of collateral occurred only after Cladek signed a promissory note. Reyes had discretion to determine which auto loan notes to attach to which promissory notes.
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C. LCI’s Success
At first, LCI was very successful. Growing from a five-person operation in 2001, LCI soon employed close to 100 people in three separate departments— collections, purchasing, and accounting.
LCI’s business was so prosperous that it outgrew the small, converted house it used as office space. Around 2006, LCI moved into an office building large enough to house each of LCI’s departments.D. Misuse of Investor Funds
Although LCI was successful, it did not adhere to its original business model. Instead of using investor funds to purchase new auto loan notes (and then extracting profits from interest payments on the auto loan notes), Cladek funneled LCI investor funds to her own personal account.
Reyes, who oversaw LCI’s general operating account, testified that LCI used its single operating account to: (1) hold investor money; (2) pay interest to investors; and (3) hold money collected on auto loan notes LCI owned. Reyes cut checks from these commingled funds payable directly to Cladek. Usually, these checks were for approximately $8,950. Occasionally, in a single day, Reyes would draft as many as seven $8,950 checks payable to Cladek.
Reyes testified that she also cut checks from LCI’s operating account payable to an individual named Roby Roberts, even though she did not know who
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Roberts was. In fact, in January 2005, Roberts agreed to sell Cladek a bayfront residential property located in Captiva, Florida for a total price of $2.74 million. Cladek owed Roberts monthly payments of $12,057.29. Cladek held this property as a personal real estate investment. Thus, Cladek used LCI investors’ funds to pay for her own investments. By cutting checks to unknown individuals who were unaffiliated with LCI, Reyes helped Cladek divert LCI funds to benefit Cladek personally.
Not only did Cladek use investor funds for personal investments, she also used them to buy her own personal residence. In 2004, Cladek moved into a new home in a gated, beachfront community. One former LCI investor described the residence as a “[g]orgeous[,] . . . million-dollar house” that featured a “[b]eautiful kitchen,” a swimming pool, and a guest house. Another former investor recalled a “beautiful, expensive home.” Among the home’s flourishes were: (1) a dining room table and chair set that was custom made and cost approximately $25,000; (2) a piano costing approximately $17,000; and (3) over 40 pieces of furniture for the pool area, including teak outdoor chairs each costing more than $600.
As more and more LCI money went to Cladek’s personal expenses and investments, less and less went to LCI’s auto loan buying business. In 2008, LCI, at Cladek’s direction, reduced its auto loan note buying to an almost nonexistent level. One former employee testified that LCI went from buying “50 or 60 loans a
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day down to just maybe one or two loans a day.” Accounting head Reyes testified that she was aware of the dwindling number of auto loan notes that LCI purchased because she “cut the checks for the purchasing department.”E. Attempts to Conceal LCI’s Fraud
Not surprisingly, LCI’s misuse of investor funds created a shortage of auto loan notes to serve as collateral for the promissory notes it issued to investors.
Reyes testified that, from April 2001 (when she started doing accounting work) until sometime in 2003, she had no difficulty attaching auto loan notes as collateral for LCI’s promissory notes. In 2003, Reyes was preparing investors’ quarterly reports when she ran out of collateral. Reyes told Cladek, who told her not to worry about it and said, “We’ll take care of it.”
Cladek did not, however, take care of the problem. Reyes, therefore, did not send quarterly reports to those investors for whose notes LCI did not have enough collateral. The next quarter, Reyes sent statements to only those investors who had not received a statement previously. Eventually, at Cladek’s direction, Reyes adopted a standard practice of issuing semiannual, instead of quarterly, reports.
At some point, to remedy the collateral shortage, Cladek instructed Reyes to pull collateral from the promissory notes of Cladek’s family members and friends. Reyes did so. Cladek also instructed Reyes to take collateral from existing promissory notes and assign it to new notes as new investment funds came in.
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Reyes testified that, when a new promissory note came in, “I would
take . . . someone that had a collateral sheet, I would look at their notes, see how much they had. And I would kind of make note of where I was putting it to, and kind of keep track for myself where I was putting it, and assign it to that other person.”

Although Reyes knew that the promissory notes “had to have buyable collateral attached to them,” she created more than one promissory note having the same collateral attached to it as attached to another note. Reyes also testified that no investor ever gave her permission to pull the collateral from his or her note and apply it to someone else’s note. But Reyes did so anyway, and, at trial, she identified collateral sheets reflecting auto loan notes that she personally assigned to multiple investors.
Doubly assigning the same collateral (instead of buying more auto loan notes to serve as collateral) did not fix the collateral shortage. Reyes testified that she was aware of the problem every day she came to work between 2003 and 2010, and that she knew it was getting worse through the years.F. LCI’s Demise
In the summer of 2008, LCI began receiving calls from investors concerned about their investments. The calls became more frequent throughout the remainder
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of 2008. Reyes fielded these calls. She told Cladek about them, but, as Reyes testified, she and Cladek “never really thought of a solution for it.”
The situation deteriorated as investors began attempting to withdraw their money. Reyes testified that, sometime after the 2008 financial crisis began, investors were asking for approximately $100,000 per day. That number then started to rise. The calls from angry investors became so disruptive that Reyes and the other accounting personnel were unable to get their work done. They asked Cladek to route the calls to someone else and Cladek agreed to do so.
In late 2009, Cladek convened a meeting attended by Reyes and other LCI employees. At the meeting, Cladek dictated a script for employees to use when dealing with angry investors. When an investor called attempting to withdraw his or her money, the LCI employee was to inform the investor that the auto loan notes were performing as expected and that LCI would soon be buying more subprime auto loan notes. Cladek told the employees, including Reyes, to tell customers that she had “been proven to have unprecedented success” and that “plans [were] in place.”
Meanwhile, in 2008, the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC”) received an anonymous complaint about LCI alleging that Cladek was operating a Ponzi scheme. The SEC passed the complaint along to Florida’s Office of Financial Regulation (“OFR”). In December 2008 and January 2009, the OFR
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contacted several of LCI’s investors and heard their concerns. Later in 2009, the OFR requested and received from LCI all promissory notes and accompanying documents LCI issued between 2004 and 2008.
Reyes was aware of the OFR’s investigation and helped Cladek compile documents to send to the investigators. Further, Reyes testified that she was aware of the subject of the investigation, stating “Lydia informed us what it was for and what she wanted to accomplish. And we just did whatever she told us.” Not surprisingly, Reyes did not include copies of the ledgers showing doubly assigned collateral in the documents she turned over.
The OFR turned the results of its investigation over to the FBI. LCI ceased its operations in May 2010 after the FBI executed a search warrant and LCI’s creditors forced the company into involuntary bankruptcy proceedings.G. Indictment, Arrest, and Trial
On November 19, 2010, a federal grand jury indicted Cladek, charging her with the conspiracy, mail fraud, and wire fraud offenses stated above. Cladek pled not guilty and went to trial. At the conclusion of the government’s case, Cladek moved for judgment of acquittal as to all counts.
As for the conspiracy count, Cladek argued that there was insufficient evidence that she formed an agreement with any other person to accomplish an unlawful objective. Cladek’s attorney noted that the government’s theory was that
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Reyes was Cladek’s co-conspirator, but that “[t]here was not any testimony that demonstrated that Ms. Reyes knew any unlawfulness having to do with any of [her] acts.” The district court denied the motion.
Thereafter, the jury found Cladek guilty on all counts. Afterwards, Cladek renewed her motion for judgment of acquittal, again arguing that Reyes “never acknowledged knowing that her action[s] were unlawful or criminal in nature.” The district court denied the post-trial motion too.
II. SUFFICIENCY OF THE EVIDENCE ISSUE
With this factual background, we turn to Cladek’s first issue on appeal— whether there was sufficient evidence to support her conspiracy conviction.A. Standard of Review
We review de novo whether there was sufficient evidence to support a conviction, viewing the evidence and drawing all inferences in favor of the verdict. United States v. Isaacson, 752 F.3d 1291, 1303 (11th Cir. 2014). We will not overturn a jury’s verdict if “any reasonable construction of the evidence would have allowed the jury to find the defendant guilty beyond a reasonable doubt.” United States v. Grzybowicz, 747 F.3d 1296, 1304 (11th Cir. 2014) (quotations omitted). “It is not necessary for the government’s evidence to be inconsistent with every reasonable hypothesis except that of guilt in order to be sufficient.” United States v. Silvestri, 409 F.3d 1311, 1328 (11th Cir. 2005).
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B. Elements of the Conspiracy Offense
The jury convicted Cladek of conspiracy to commit mail and wire fraud. Thus, the jury found that the government proved the following elements beyond a reasonable doubt: (1) “an agreement between two or more persons”; (2) “to execute a scheme to defraud”; and (3) “the use of either the mails or wire service in furtherance of the scheme.” United States v. Ross, 131 F.3d 970, 981 (11th Cir. 1997).
Because conspiracy is “predominantly mental in composition,” there need not be “a formal agreement” between co-conspirators as long as there is “a meeting of the minds to commit an unlawful act.” United States v. Toler, 144 F.3d 1423, 1426 (11th Cir. 1998) (quotations omitted). To that end, a jury may use circumstantial evidence to infer the existence of an agreement to commit a crime. See United States v. Moore, 525 F.3d 1033, 1040 (11th Cir. 2008). Specifically, a jury may find an agreement based on “the conduct of the alleged participants” or other “circumstantial evidence of a scheme.” Silvestri, 409 F.3d at 1328 (quotations omitted).C. Evidence Supporting Cladek’s Conspiracy Conviction
Cladek contends that the government failed to prove the existence of an agreement between herself and someone else to accomplish an unlawful objective. Cladek’s argument fails because a reasonable jury could readily infer that the head
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of LCI’s accounting department, Reyes, knew of LCI’s unlawful practices and agreed with Cladek to help LCI carry out this fraud.
The trial evidence established that Reyes was very familiar with LCI’s business model and finances. Reyes knew that LCI told investors that it would use their monies to purchase subprime auto loan notes. Reyes also knew that LCI was not doing this and was instead spending investor funds on Cladek’s personal expenses and investments. Reyes was aware LCI was spending its money this way because she was the one cutting LCI’s checks. Reyes also was aware of what she was not being instructed to cut checks for—the purchase of new auto loan notes. Thus, Reyes’s testimony established that she was aware that LCI was misleading its investors about how it would use their investments. From Reyes’s knowledge, a reasonable jury could infer that Reyes agreed to help Cladek mislead investors.
Reyes’s testimony further established that she was aware of and indeed facilitated LCI’s efforts to conceal its fraud. When LCI did not have enough collateral to back all of the promissory notes it issued, Reyes personally assigned collateral doubly and prepared statements reflecting the double assignments. Reyes was the primary person responsible for putting the double assignment scheme into effect, testifying that she personally chose which notes to assign doubly and made a record of which notes had been doubly assigned. Reyes’s co- worker, Kay Osgatharp, assisted Reyes with execution of these double assigments.
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Reyes also stopped sending out quarterly statements to investors, thus ensuring that LCI would not issue two statements at the same time reflecting the double assignments. Reyes did all of this even though she knew that LCI warranted to investors that the auto loan notes serving as collateral were free of other encumbrances.
Further, Reyes knew that the double assignment of collateral was not a legitimate business strategy to get LCI out of short-term financial difficulty. Reyes testified that LCI had insufficient collateral from 2003 until 2010 and that the gap between LCI’s obligations and its collateral continued to grow during that period. Over the course of seven years, Reyes did not take any legitimate measures to fix the problem of which she was fully aware. Instead, she acted to conceal it from investors. A reasonable jury could infer, from Reyes’s testimony about her actions, that she was not merely an unwitting dupe when she took carefully calibrated steps to conceal LCI’s fraud. Instead, a reasonable jury could conclude that Reyes had knowingly agreed with Cladek to take these concealment actions.
Reyes’s later actions even more strongly showed her agreement with Cladek to commit fraud. Reyes testified that she was aware that the Florida OFR was investigating LCI in 2008 and 2009. Reyes even assisted Cladek in preparing documents to turn over to the state agency and in pulling some documents back from LCI’s production.
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Reyes also attended the meeting in 2009 during which Cladek told her employees what to say to angry investors who called wanting to withdraw their investments. Reyes heard Cladek say that employees should tell investors that LCI had experienced “unprecedented success.” Reyes knew that this was a lie since she had become aware of LCI’s financial troubles six years earlier, in 2003.
Thus, at least by early 2009, Reyes was aware that a government agency thought LCI’s business practices may be fraudulent and that Cladek wanted employees to lie to investors about LCI’s financial condition. Nonetheless, Reyes continued to doubly assign collateral and cut checks payable to Cladek’s personal account up until LCI stopped its operations in 2010. A reasonable jury could believe that Reyes did so pursuant to an agreement with Cladek.
Last, a reasonable jury could infer an agreement between Cladek and Reyes based on their close relationship. Reyes and her mother were among LCI’s very first employees. For almost a decade, Reyes was intimately involved in LCI’s operations. Her testimony revealed that she had a very close working relationship with Cladek. A reasonable jury could find it difficult, if not impossible, to believe that, over a ten year period, Reyes could work so closely with a fraudster like Cladek, helping Cladek steal investors’ money and then conceal the fraud, and yet never agree to participate in the scheme.
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In short, there was more than enough evidence for a reasonable jury to find that Cladek formed an agreement with another person, Reyes, to commit mail and wire fraud. We thus reject Cladek’s challenge to her conspiracy conviction.
III. CLADEK’S SENTENCE
Cladek raises two challenges to her total 365-month sentence. We review the proceedings in the district court culminating in the sentence.A. The Presentence Investigation Report
Prior to sentencing, the probation office prepared a presentence investigation report (“PSI”). The PSI stated that Cladek was responsible for a loss of approximately $69 million. To reach this figure, the PSI reported that LCI received approximately $112 million from investors between 2005 and March 2010 (the conspiracy period alleged). From this amount, the PSI subtracted a total of $43 million, representing $39 million in payments made to investors and $4 million for LCI’s assets when its operations ceased.
Starting with a base offense level of six, see U.S.S.G. § 2B1.1(a)(2), the PSI added (1) 24 levels because Cladek’s loss amount was greater than $50 million and less than $100 million, pursuant to § 2B1.1(b)(1)(M); (2) six levels, pursuant to
§ 2B1.1(b)(2)(C), because Cladek’s offense involved more than 250 victims; and (3) four levels because Cladek was the organizer or leader of a “criminal activity
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that involved five or more participants or was otherwise extensive,” pursuant to § 3B1.1(a). Cladek’s total offense level, therefore, was 40.
Cladek’s criminal history category of I and total offense level of 40 produced an advisory guidelines range of 292 to 365 months’ imprisonment. Because the highest statutory maximum penalty for Cladek’s offenses was 240 months’ imprisonment, the PSI recommended that the sentence on one of Cladek’s offenses be imposed consecutively to the extent necessary to produce a combined sentence equal to the total punishment called for by the guidelines. See id.
§ 5G1.2(d).
B. Cladek’s Objection to the Loss Amount
At sentencing, Cladek objected to the PSI’s calculation of the loss amount enhancement. First, Cladek argued that the PSI’s loss amount was inaccurate because it did not take into account “non-criminal acts that resulted in the loss to the company”—specifically the economic downturn during the 2007 to 2009 period. Cladek’s attorney urged that Cladek’s estimated gain of $16.7 million, rather than the amount of loss she caused, should be used to calculate her offense level. See id. § 2B1.1, app. n.3(B).
Cladek also contended that the PSI was incorrect in stating that LCI received approximately $112 million from investors between 2005 and 2010. Cladek’s
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attorney noted that the government’s trial evidence, specifically LCI’s bank records, showed that LCI received approximately $90 million in investments.
The government responded that the $112 million figure was “arrived at by reference to Lydia Cladek’s own accounting documents which she created to send to her accountant.” Acknowledging the discrepancy between the PSI and the trial evidence, the government stated that the $90 million figure introduced at trial was “a conservative [estimate]” that was “based entirely upon bank records,” and did not take into account the balance sheets Cladek created. The government maintained that the $112 million figure was actually correct.As for Cladek’s argument about “legitimate business losses,” the government contended that LCI could not have suffered legitimate losses, as it “was not a legitimate business” and was instead a “scheme to defraud from the very beginning.”
The district court overruled Cladek’s objections to the amount of the loss and the 24-level increase to her offense level. The district court found that LCI received an amount between $93 million and $112 million over the course of the fraud. After subtracting the $39 million paid to investors and the $4 million
1The district court also called on the probation officer to explain the discrepancy between the PSI’s $112 million investment amount and the trial evidence’s $90 million figure. The probation officer stated that the PSI’s figure was based on the 2,443 promissory notes LCI issued, and thus represented “the total investments pledged.” On the other hand, LCI’s bank records for that period showed only $90 million in deposits. The probation officer could not account for the $22 million variation.
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leftover when LCI ceased operations, the district court arrived at a loss amount of greater than $50 million and less than or equal to $69 million.
The district court explained that it believed this greater than $93 million figure to be “a reasonable number” because it “capture[d] what Ms. Cladek was promising . . . to investors . . . . And then . . . the $39 million figure shows what was actually paid out. And then the $4 million figure is what was left at the time the business was raided.” The district court reiterated that its loss amount was only “a reasonable estimate” and “a construct.” In light of this loss amount, the district court determined that the PSI correctly added 24 levels to Cladek’s offense level.2C. Cladek’s Objection to the Role Increase
Cladek’s other objection at issue in this appeal was to the four-level increase, pursuant to U.S.S.G. § 3B1.1(a), for being the organizer or leader of a criminal activity involving five or more participants “or that was otherwise extensive.” (emphasis added) Cladek’s attorney argued that Cladek’s scheme did not “require any additional work other than Ms. Cladek . . . just transferring funds from LCI into the professional account, making purchases of property.” He suggested, “That doesn’t require any extensive action on anybody’s part.”
2The district court did state that it rejected the government’s position that LCI was never a legitimate business. However, the rejection of this argument did not factor into the district court’s guidelines calculation or sentence.
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The district court denied this objection as well. The district court pointed out that, in determining whether a criminal activity is extensive, it could consider “all persons involved during the course of the entire offense . . . , including outsiders who provided unknowing services.” The district court noted that the government needed to prove the existence of at least one other knowing participant and found that the evidence established “Ms. Reyes’[s] conspiratorial participation.” Further, the district court acknowledged that “there may well have been others who could have been unindicted co-conspirators.”D. Sentence
Based on these rulings, the district court determined that the PSI correctly calculated Cladek’s total offense level of 40, her criminal history category of I, and her advisory guidelines range of 292 to 365 months. In light of “the amount of loss” and “the brazenness of” Cladek’s crimes, “the lack of insight, . . . [and] concern for future potential criminal conduct,” the district court determined that “a significant sentence is required by law.”
The district court imposed concurrent sentences of 240 months’ imprisonment on thirteen of Cladek’s offenses and a consecutive sentence of 125 months’ imprisonment on Cladek’s fourteenth offense, resulting in a total 365- month sentence. The district court followed the same procedure when it sentenced Cladek to supervised release, imposing concurrent three-year supervised release
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terms on thirteen of Cladek’s offenses, followed by a consecutive three-year supervised release term on Cladek’s fourteenth offense, yielding a total of six years of supervised release.
IV. SENTENCING ISSUES
On appeal, Cladek argues that the district court erred in overruling her objections to the loss amount and role increases in her offense level calculation. As explained below, Cladek’s arguments fail.
We review de novo the district court’s interpretation and application of the guidelines. United States v. Lee, 427 F.3d 881, 892 (11th Cir. 2005). We review only for clear error the factual findings the district court used to calculate a defendant’s guidelines range, such as loss amount or whether the defendant was subject to a role increase. Id.; see also United States v. Martinez, 584 F.3d 1022, 1025 (11th Cir. 2009); United States v. Maxwell, 579 F.3d 1282, 1305 (11th Cir. 2009).A. Loss Amount Enhancement
Under U.S.S.G. § 2B1.1(b)(1), in fraud cases like Cladek’s, 24 levels are added to a defendant’s offense level when the loss is greater than $50 million and less than $100 million. U.S.S.G. § 2B1.1(b)(1). “Loss” refers to the greater of “actual loss or intended loss.” Id., cmt. n.3(A). Here, the district court determined
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Cladek’s actual loss, which refers to “the reasonably foreseeable pecuniary harm that resulted from the offense.” Id., cmt. n.3(A)(i).
A district court “need only make a reasonable estimate of the loss,” as that court “is in a unique position to assess the evidence and estimate the loss based upon that evidence.” Id., cmt. n.3(C); See United States v. Campbell, ___ F.3d ___, 12-11952, 2014 WL 4338404 at *12 (11th Cir. Sept. 3, 2014) (affirming district court’s loss calculation under the Sentencing Guidelines). Accordingly, this Court must give deference to a district court’s loss calculation, and a district court’s “reasonable estimate . . . will be upheld on appeal.” United States v. Gupta, 463 F.3d 1182, 1200 (11th Cir. 2006) (quotations omitted). However, a district court may not base a loss calculation on “mere speculation.” Id. Instead, the district court “must make factual findings sufficient to support the government’s claim of the amount of fraud loss attributed to a defendant in a PSI.” Id.
Here, the district court made factual findings sufficient to support its determination that Cladek’s loss was greater than $50 million and less than or equal to $69 million. The district court explained the figures and calculations it used to reach the loss amount. Of course, there was some uncertainty at sentencing as to how much money LCI received from investors. However, the district court found that, even assuming that the number was as low as one dollar more than $93
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million, the guidelines calculation would be the same. In light of the evidence of LCI’s income—gleaned from LCI’s own business records—the district court had a reasonable basis for finding that LCI received greater than $93 million from investors, and we therefore must defer to the district court’s loss calculation. See id.
Cladek argues that the district court should have measured loss by looking to the gain Cladek received—money diverted from LCI to her personal account (which at sentencing she estimated was $16.7 million). But, a defendant’s gain should be used as a substitute “only if there is a loss but it reasonably cannot be determined.” U.S.S.G. § 2B1.1, cmt. n.3(B) (emphasis added). This Court has “cautioned against abandoning a loss calculation in favor of a gain calculation where a reasonable estimate of the victims’ loss based on existing information is feasible.” United States v. Bradley, 644 F.3d 1213, 1289 (11th Cir. 2011) (quotation marks omitted, alterations adopted). We have done so because a defendant’s gain “ordinarily underestimates the loss.” Id.
Here, Cladek has not shown that it was infeasible to calculate the investors’ loss she caused. Cladek contends that the district court’s figure failed to take into account legitimate business losses and that it double counted money that was never withdrawn and reinvested when a promissory note matured. But, Cladek does not state the extent of LCI’s market-inflicted losses, nor how much money was double
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counted. She simply asserts that the district court should have used the $16.7 million gain figure as a proxy for a loss that could not be calculated. But, even assuming that there were some legitimate business losses and some double counting, nothing in the record suggests that these factors caused the district court’s loss calculation of approximately $69 million to be off by more than $50 million (the difference between the district court’s loss amount and Cladek’s gain amount). Thus, this is an example of a case where the defendant’s gain “underestimates the loss.” See id.
Accordingly, we must defer to the district court’s analysis. While the issues Cladek raises may suggest de minimus discrepancies, they do not make the district court’s calculation of Cladek’s loss amount anything other than a “reasonable estimate.” See U.S.S.G. § 2B1.1, cmt. n.3(C).
We conclude that the district court did not err—much less clearly err—in its fact findings and loss calculations and in increasing Cladek’s offense level by 24 levels pursuant to § 2B1.1.B. Role Increase
Under § 3B1.1, a defendant’s offense level is subject to a four-level increase when she “was an organizer or leader of a criminal activity that involved five or more participants or was otherwise extensive.” U.S.S.G. § 3B1.1(a). The district
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court found that Cladek was the organizer or leader of an “otherwise extensive” criminal activity.
To receive a role increase under § 3B1.1, the defendant must have been the organizer or leader of at least one or more criminally responsible participants. Id., cmt. nn.1–2. But, that criminally responsible participant “need not have been convicted.” Id., cmt. n.1. In determining whether a criminal activity was “otherwise extensive,” once a court determines that there was at least one criminally responsible participant, the court may take into account “all persons involved during the course of the entire offense,” including outsiders who provided “unknowing services.” Id., cmt. n.3.
The district court did not clearly err in applying the § 3B1.1 role increase. There was ample evidence to establish that Reyes was a participant in Cladek’s fraud. As discussed, a reasonable jury could find, based on the trial evidence, that Reyes formed an agreement with Cladek to accomplish an unlawful objective.
Once it was satisfied that Cladek was the leader of at least one criminally responsible participant (Reyes), the district court could consider that there were more than 100 LCI employees who provided “unknowing services” in furtherance of Cladek’s fraud. Furthermore, LCI’s scheme was massive both in duration and scope, involving the receipt of millions of dollars from investors over a ten-year period. See United States v. Holland, 22 F.3d 1040, 1046 (11th Cir. 1994)
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(holding “there are a number of factors relevant to the extensiveness determination, including the length and scope of the criminal activity as well as the number of persons involved”). We cannot fathom how such a scheme could be labeled as anything other than “extensive.”
Thus, we affirm the district court’s application of the four-level increase under § 3B1.1.
V. CONCLUSION
Based on the foregoing, we affirm Cladek’s convictions and 365-month sentence. However, we vacate the consecutive three-year term of supervised release on Count Fourteen and direct the district court on remand to amend Cladek’s sentence to state that the three-year term of supervised release on Count Fourteen shall run concurrently with the supervised release terms on Counts One through Thirteen already imposed concurrently. See 18 U.S.C. § 3624(e); United States v. Magluta, 198 F.3d 1265, 1283 (11th Cir. 1999), vacated in part on reh’g, 203 F.3d 1304 (11th Cir. 2000) (“As Magluta and the government correctly point out, ‘any term of supervised release imposed is to run concurrently with any other term of supervised release imposed.’ ” (citing § 3624(e))); U.S.S.G., App. C, amend. 507 (stating that § 3624(e) “requires multiple terms of supervised release to run concurrently in all cases”).
AFFIRMED IN PART, VACATED IN PART, AND REMANDED.
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How two housekeepers took on the president — and revealed that his company employed undocumented immigrants. (WaPo)

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President DONALD JOHN TRUMP's personal housekeepers blow the whistle.   From The Washington Post:



A former undocumented worker holds golf tees and wears a shirt from Trump National Golf Club Bedminster at a home in San Jose, Costa Rica, on Jan. 16. (Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post)
A former undocumented worker holds golf tees and wears a shirt from Trump National Golf Club Bedminster at a home in San Jose, Costa Rica, on Jan. 16. (Carolyn Van Houten/The Washington Post)

Uber disclosed 3,000 sexual assaults in U.S. rides last year in its long-awaited safety report (WaPo)

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I prefer cabs.  I won't pay money to ride an Uber.  Uber is a corrupt company without adequate background checks, which stiffs its drivers and cheats its customers.   It may not be around in five years.   Here's a Washington Post article about the latest word on why we look to the City of St. Augustine to enforce its vehicle for hire laws, instead of worshipping the power of this multi-billion dollar monster and its lobbyists in Tallahassee.

From The Washington Post:


FILE - This June 21, 2017, file photo shows the building that houses the headquarters of Uber, in San Francisco.  (Eric Risberg, File)
FILE - This June 21, 2017, file photo shows the building that houses the headquarters of Uber, in San Francisco. (Eric Risberg, File)





WHO IS HUNTER CONRAD? No advertising, no posting, no background investigation -- your next County Administrator?

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Are you kidding me?  Five white male Republicans on St. Johns County Commission want to give a boy a man's job, seeking to duke in young HUNTER S. CONRAD  as Interim County Administrator.

I oppose this specious proposal.  No posting, no advertising, no background check.  Illegal and immoral, and smacking of corruption.

I have filed a civil rights complaint with HUD pursuant to Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.



-Original Message-----
From: Ed Slavin
To: ComplaintsOffice04
Cc: georgio ; bcc1jjohns ; bcc2jsmith ; bcc3pwaldron ; bcc4jblocker ; bcc5hdean ; sheltonhull ; sheldon.gardner ; gardner ;...
Sent: Thu, Dec 5, 2019 4:07 pm
Subject: HUD CIVIL RIGHTS COMPLAINT: Does St. Johns County Administrator Ad Interim Hiring Process Violate Title VI of 1964 Civil Rights Act?

Dear Secretary Carson:
  1. Pursuant to Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, will you please be so kind as to initiate a HUD civil rights investigation of the Respondent St. Johns County Board of County Commissioners for pre-selecting as St. Johns County Administrator Ad Interim an underqualified young white man, HUNTER S. CONRAD, Clerk of Courts and Comptroller -- race, sex and age discrimination -- without ever posting or advertising the position?
  2. Respondent SJC BoCC receives HUD Community Development Block Grant assistance.
  3. I have lived in St. Johns County, Florida since November 5, 1999 -- more than twenty (20) years.
  4. I am a member of the protected class of persons raising concerns about institutional racism and maladministration here. 
  5. I have experienced unlawful retaliation and discrimination due to First Amendment protected activity on civil rights issues here, including interference with Open Records requests filed as a journalist and citizen.
  6. Respondent SJC BoCC has never had a woman or minority County Administrator.
  7. Neither city in our County has ever had a woman or minority City Manager.
  8. This community has a long history of institutional racism, amply documented in federal court decisions.
  9. Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called it "the most lawless" in America,
  10. On November 19, 2019, Respondents rightly fired MICHAEL DAVID WANCHICK, County Administrator, 2007-2019.
  11. However, Commissioners then egregiously erred: the interim County Administrator position was neither posted nor advertised.
  12. The only candidate discussed to date is one HUNTER S. CONRAD, a young white male elected official being groomed for the permanent position, it would appear.
  13. In violation of federal EEO law, F.S. 286 and our Florida Constitution Article I, Section 24 (Sunshine law), five elected white male Republican County Commissioners swiftly selected another white male Republican elected official,  HUNTER CONRAD, for appointment to the interim County Administrator position. 
  14. Five white men pre-selected CONRAD, a white man,  arbitrarily, thoughtlessly and illegally pre-selecting him for a salary of $227,445.96 annually, plus benefits, to the exclusion of all potential women,  minority or older candidates. As the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit held in United States v. City of Black Jack508 F.2d 1179, 1186 (8th Cir. 1974), certdenied, 422 U.S. 1042 (1975) "Effect, and not motivation, is the touchstone, in part because clever men may easily conceal their motivations, but more importantly, because* * * whatever our law was once, * * * we now firmly recognize that the arbitrary quality of thoughtlessness can be as disastrous and unfair to private rights and the public interest as the perversity of a willful scheme.Hobson v. Hansen, 269 F.Supp. 401, 497 (D.D.C.1967), aff'd sub nom. Smuck v. Hobson, 132 U.S.App.D.C. 372, 408 F.2d 175 (1969) (en banc).
  15. A sham special SJC BoCC meeting is set to be held at 2:30 pm on Monday, December 9, 2019 at 500 Sebastian View, St. Augustine, Florida (St. Johns County Administration Building), for the purpose of approving a proposed employment contract with CONRAD (not shared yet).
  16. Please direct the Atlanta HUD office to send its best investigators.
  17. Please examine St. Johns County's discriminatory hiring practices with a gimlet eye.
  18. Prior racist actions include a 1998 vote outside the ordinary course of business, redistricting, gerrymandering and decreasing the number of Commissioners from seven to five, and making them all elected County-wide, as a means of diluting minority voting strength in violation of the 15th Amendment. 
  19. By copy of this e-mail, I invite the St. Johns County Board of County Commissioners to post and advertise the vacancy for St. Johns County Administrator Ad Interim.  Now.
  20. No legal advice on civil rights law was ever requested by Commissioners before deciding to hire CONRAD without posting or advertising.  This stinks on ice, and is a stench in the nostrils of our Nation
  21. The Rule of Law must at last be respected by St, Johns County, Florida, where some 1000 people were arrested illegally, demonstrating in support of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, signed into law on July 2, 1964 by President Lyndon B. Johnson, who successfully broke the Senate filibuster as a result of the courage of civil rights protesters, some of whom survive and are our friends and neighbors here in Our Nation's Oldest European-founded city.
  22. Let justice be done.  Now.
  23. Let freedom ring.
Thank you.

With kindest regards, I am,
Sincerely yours,
Ed Slavin
Box 3084
St. Augustine, Florida 32085-3084
904-377-4998
www.cleanupcityofstaugustine.blogspot.com
www.edslavin.com

----------
Here's my letter to County Commissioners, reading them the proverbial "Riot Act" about their following the maladministration of MICHAEL DAVID WANCHICK with a pre-selection of another white male Republican, without advertising, posting or background investigation:



-----Original Message-----
From: Ed Slavin
To: bcc1jjohns ; bcc2jsmith ; bcc3pwaldron ; bcc4jblocker ; bcc5hdean ; pmccormack ; rross
Cc: hconrad ;....
Sent: Thu, Dec 5, 2019 6:45 pm
Subject: Does Hunter S. Conrad have the "right stuff" to be St. Johns County Administrator Ad Interim?

Dear Chairman Smith, Vice Chairman Blocker and. Commissioners Johns, Dean and Waldron, et al.:
  1. Pre-selection of one privileged young white male elected Republican officeholder as St. Johns County Administrator Ad Interim violates civil rights laws.  
  2. Thus, today I have filed a complaint with HUD.  As Thomas Jefferson said, "I have sworn upon the Altar of Almighty God eternal hostility against every form of tyranny over the mind...."
  3. The only candidate being considered for St. Johns County Administrator Ad Interim -- St. Johns County Clerk of Courts Hunter S. Conrad:                                A. misused St. Johns County Clerk of Courts and Comptroller official government letterhead for political purposes on April 12, 2018 (see enclosure), dopily defending disgraced then-Chair WILLIAM KORACH of the St. Johns County Republican Executive Committee, who was charged with creating a "culture of fear" and was rightly removed by Florida Republican Party Chair Blaise Ingoglio after charges of peculation and grabbing a woman's breasts in public; and                                                                                B. never apologized for misusing letterhead in support and defense of KORACH; and                                                 C. never provided any records on ethics and sexual harassment training.  Mr. Conrad's secretive, hostile, subpar counsel and chief of staff, Mr. Bradley J. Bradley, Esq.  mysteriously claimed two hours of search time to find them.  
  4. Several times, the Clerk of Courts office has been guilty of holding these records hostage and demanding payment before other records are provided, when I never agreed to pay for them.  
  5. This indecent demand was, at best, illegal and obfuscatory.  
  6. Mr. Conrad never responded to requests for mediation.  
  7. Efforts to speak to him in person were fruitless.  
  8. Mr. Conrad lacks a welcoming spirit and hides from questions. 
  9. Mr. Conrad seems to lack maturity and ability, 
  10. It appears that he has discriminated against me in retaliation for First Amendment protected activity -- viewpoint discrimination.  See, e.g. Reed vTown of Gilbert 135 S.Ct. 2218 (2015)Sherrill v. Knight, 569 F.2d 124 (D.C. Cir. 1977).
  11. Please inquire publicly as to Mr. Conrad's competence and political motivations and plans as you contemplate naming him St. Johns County Administrator Ad Interim.
  12. We must respect diversity and extirpate discrimination, in a place that Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. once called "the most lawless in America."
  13. Employment, Sunshine and civil rights laws must be obeyed. Lawbreaking must end. Now.
  14. Hunter S. Conrad has fired older employees, raising age discrimination concerns.  What is the status of their cases before EEOC?
  15. Significantly, there was no background investigation and no meaningful opportunity for discussion.  St. Johns County does not hire a meter reader without a background check.  It must not name an Interim County Administrator without careful investigation.
  16. Does Hunter S. Conrad lack respect for our rights to honest, open, accountable government?  
  17. Please question him about it, on the record, under oath.
  18. Government is a "customer service enterprise," as former St. Augustine Mayor Nancy Shaver says.  
  19. Mr. Conrad requires investigation, coaching and counseling before you contemplate appointing him to be County Administrator Ad Interim.
  20. Mr. Conrad has not, to date, ever responded to my telephone messages and e-mails on this subject, including my complaints about the conduct of Mr Bradley, who seems to have a chip on his shoulder. 
  21. His senior staff assistant, Mr. Bradley J. Bradley, attempted to block other requests on the basis that I did not pay an invoice for documents that should have been readily available and for which I should never have been asked to pay, and for which I never agreed to pay.  
  22. "Not one cent for tribute," in the words of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, American diplomat from South Carolina. 
  23. Does Hunter Conrad have the maturity to be County Administrator Ad Interim?
  24. Does he have the management skills?
  25. Please post and advertise the St. Johns County Administrator Ad Interim position.
  26. Kindly comply with EEO law, from this day forward.
  27. Kindly schedule a public hearing on amending our County ordinances to require compliance with Article I, Section 24 of our Florida Constitution, adopted by vote of 83% of the voters (3.8 million people. This is the controlling legal authority, along with F.S. 119. 
  28. Public officials who stiff journalists and other citizens on records requests deserve strict scrutiny from journalists, elected officials and voters. Not no-bid promotions to $227,000+/year jobs.
  29. Please call me to discuss Hunter Conrad's candidacy and the need to discuss alternatives before violating Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.  See my December 5, 2019 HUD civil rights complaint.
  30. As my grandmother would say, kindly "drop the oyster and leave the wharf." 
Thank you.
With kindest regards, I am,
Sincerely yours,
Ed Slavin
904-377-4998
www.cleanupcityofstaugustine.blogspot.com
www.edslavin.com



-----Original Message-----
From: Ed Slavin
To: bbradley ; coc ; bsimmons
Cc: dgalambos ; pmccormack ; mwanchick ; mroyle ; jpwilson ; dshoar ; mcline ; cmulligan ; coc ; sjcpa ; wfusco ; voakes ; xueamcd ; ejw2607 ; taxcollector ; bfox ; hardwickra ; tmonson ; dsamora ; comrobrien ; comugeorge ; commengland ; commkostka ; bcc5hdean ; bcc1jjohns ; bcc2jsmith ; bcc3pwaldron ; bccd4 ; tburchfield ; jregan ; ilopez ; nshaver ; dmay ; tneville ; rhorvath ; nsikeskline ; lfreeman ; pgill70 ; pat.gleason ; jake.martin ; jim.sutton ; craig.richardson ; thomasfreynolds ; rvbailey ; neil ; news ; brich_se1 ; judgelitt10 ; aschindler ; sheldon.gardner ; lee.geanuleas ; dougalkirk ; mills ; hamann ; little ; rosenbury ; angelo ; flournoy ; ankersen ; tomcushman ; sheplaw ; waltbog
Sent: Wed, Dec 20, 2017 3:31 pm
Subject: Re: Request No. 2017-687 and 2017-688: Ethics and sexual harassment training by Clerk of Courts Hunter Conrad



Dear Messrs Conrad, Simmons and Bradley:
1. Please place those documents online this week for all of us to read.
2. Please me call to discuss. 
3. Kindly agree to mediation by AAG Pat Gleason.
Thank you.
With kindest regards, I am,
Sincerely yours,
Ed Slavin
904-377-4998
www.cleanupcityofstaugustine.blogspot.com
www.edslavin.com


-----Original Message-----
From: Brad Bradley
To: 'easlavin@aol.com'
Sent: Wed, Dec 20, 2017 2:08 pm
Subject: Request No. 2017-687 and 2017-688

Dear Mr. Slavin,
In response to question “1” of your email to Mr. Conrad, the $152.98 is not a cost estimate, it is the actual cost in employee labor that it took for the Clerk’s staff to comply with your requests.  As noted in the invoice it is due prior to receipt of the records you requested. Please refer to Florida Statute 119.07 for the Clerk’s legal authority to bill you for such.  As to issues 2-8 there are no records responsive to these matters.
Respectfully,  
SJC_Logo_Color (2)
Brad Bradley, Esq.
Chief Administrative Officer/In-House Counsel
St. Johns County Clerk of Court & Comptroller
4010 Lewis Speedway, St. Augustine, FL 32084
TEL:  (904) 819-3602/FAX:  (904) 819-3661
This email is intended for the addressee(s) indicated above only. It may contain information that is privileged, confidential or otherwise protected from disclosure. Any dissemination, review, use of this email or its contents by persons other than the addressee is strictly prohibited. If you have received this email in error, please delete it immediately.

Russian Hackers Broke Into Elections Company Used in St. Johns, Miami-Dade, Broward

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Ducking and avoiding document and interview requests, controversial St. Johns County Supervisor of Elections VICKY OAKES has a lot to hide, including the fact that her contractor, VR Systems, which sells it computers and services, was hacked by Russians in 2016.

VR provides services and equipment for some 57 of 64 counties in Florida.  It is a closely-held, employee owned company in Tallahassee.

 BTW:  am running as a Democrat to defeat VICHY OAKES and restore integrity to Florida elections.



They've had their turn -- now it's our turn.
GOVERNOR RICHARD LYNN SCOTT appointed VICHY OAKES in 2011. She has never had an opponent before, having worked in the Supervisor of Elections office since 1988.


From The Miami New Times, from 2017:











Russian Hackers Broke Into Elections Company Used in Miami-Dade, Broward


A SWING-STATE ELECTION VENDOR REPEATEDLY DENIED BEING HACKED BY RUSSIANS. THE NEW MUELLER INDICTMENT SAYS OTHERWISE. (The Intercept)

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Query: did repeatedly lying about being hacked have any legal consequences in Flori-DUH for VR Systems, Inc., vendor for some 57 Florida counties election computer systems? From The Intercept:





A SWING-STATE ELECTION VENDOR REPEATEDLY DENIED BEING HACKED BY RUSSIANS. THE NEW MUELLER INDICTMENT SAYS OTHERWISE.

SHORTLY BEFORE THE 2016 presidential election, Russian military hackers tried to trick employees of VR Systems, a Florida-based e-voting vendor, into downloading computer-hijacking malware, according to a top-secret NSA report published by The Intercept last year. As recently as last month, the company denied any breach had occurred. But, in fact, the hacking attempt worked, judging from an indictment of 12 Russian military officers prepared by Special Counsel Robert Mueller and handed down by a grand jury today.
Although the indictment doesn’t mention VR by name, referring to the polling and registration software maker as “U.S. Vendor” or “Vendor 1,” the facts laid out in the indictment line up with what was previously know about the 2016 spear-phishing campaign against the company. The indictment alleges that “in or around August 2016, [Russian military officer] KOVALEV and his co-conspirators hacked into the computers of a U.S. vendor (“Vendor 1″) that supplied software used to verify voter registration information for the 2016 U.S. elections.”
Compare that to a section describing VR Systems from the NSA report:
Russian General Staff Main Intelligence Directorate actors … executed cyber espionage operations against a named U.S. company in August 2016, evidently to obtain information on elections-related software and hardware solutions. … The actors likely used data obtained from that operation to … launch a voter registration-themed spear-phishing campaign targeting U.S. local government organizations.
The indictment continues:
In or around November 2016 and prior to the 2016 U.S. presidential election, KOVALEV and his co-conspirators used an email account designed to look like a Vendor 1 email address to send over 100 spearphishing emails to organizations and personnel involved in administering elections in numerous Florida counties.
Compare that once more to the NSA report, which noted that Russian
cyber actors used the vr.systems@gmail.com account to contact U.S. email addresses 1 to 122 associated with named local government organizations.
Today’s indictment further states that “the spearphishing emails contained malware that the Conspirators embedded into Word documents bearing Vendor 1’s logo.” This lines up with documents obtained by The Intercept through a state public records request showing that the hackers used VR Systems’ logo in their attempt to further spread malware to the aforementioned local election officials across the country:
VR Systems has repeatedly denied that it was ever hacked. When I asked VR last month about the NSA’s estimate that at least one employee of the company “likely” had their email account compromised, a company spokesperson replied: “To be clear, there was no ‘hack’ by any standard definition of the word.” The spokesperson added that “VR Systems engaged the services of one of the top cyber security companies in the world and they conducted a full assessment of our systems and determined that our system was not breached as a result of this attempt.” Based on the Department of Justice’s indictment, that is a falsehood.
Election InsecurityRead Our Complete CoverageElection Insecurity
VR Systems, which sells digital pollbook software used to verify eligible voters, has customers in eight states, including the electoral battlegrounds like North Carolina and Virginia. The company spokesperson did not return a request for comment.
Top photo: A voter casts his primary vote in Hialeah, Fla., on Aug. 30, 2016.

Transgender Student’s Bathroom Fight Heads To Federal Court. (Huffington Post/AP)

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My friend, Col. Elizabeth Masters (Ret.) predicted in the St. Augustine Record in 2017 that the School Board was wrong in this case, would lose at trial and will lose on appeal.

I applaud and agree with retired Florida National Guard Judge Advocate General Colonel Elizabeth Masters' eloquent July 11, 2017 letter in the St. Augustine Record,  "Don’t waste time, money fighting bathroom gender," stating:
"Editor: I would like school superintendent Tim Forson to allow transgender student Drew Adams to use the restroom of his choice, starting now. Please let another, wealthier, school district become the test case for the transgender restroom issue.
Mr. Adams is not bothering anyone. There are restrooms in the art class and main office for those who wish to avoid his presence.
With even the military gearing up to allow in transgender soldiers, clearly the school district is preparing to champion a losing cause. Has the school board forgotten the Webster Elementary First Amendment debacle that cost well over $100,000, not including all the outside counsel fees and costs the we paid to defend the case? Sadly I predict the county will march on stubbornly in this case, lose it or settle it belatedly, and that it will cost a lot of money to do so. The money would be better spent in the classroom.
Elizabeth Masters
St. Augustine
Elizabeth Masters is a retired colonel in the Florida National Guard Judicial Advocate General Corps and a resident of St. Augustine."

Looks like two of the three Circuit Court of Appeals Judges on the panel agree with Elizabeth and with learned counsel for plaintiff Drew Adams.

I was proud to share a stage with Drew Adams at the St. Augustine Band Gazebo in the Plaza on the occasion of the 50th Anniversary of Stonewall this year.

Proud of his courage.  Disgusted by the bigotry of St. Johns County School Board, procured by the late St. Johns County Republican Executive Committee Chair WILLIAM KORACH, a member of our Monster Raving Looney Party here in St. Augustine, Florida.

From Huffington Post and the Associated Press:




Transgender Student’s Bathroom Fight Heads To Federal Court

Drew Adams, now a student at the University of Central Florida, has said, “This really wasn’t an issue until the school board made it an issue.”


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ATLANTA (AP) — A student has the right to use the bathroom that corresponds to his gender identity, a lawyer told a federal court Thursday, arguing that the issue is about the right of transgender students to “equal dignity.”
But the Florida school district that’s appealing a lower court order in favor of the transgender boy told three judges on the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals that they should overturn the ruling and let the school district restrict students to the bathroom matching their at-birth sex to protect the privacy of other students.


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The case involves Drew Adams, who has since graduated from Nease High School outside Jacksonville. Adams transitioned from a girl to a boy before his freshman year, and used the boys’ room at the Ponte Vedra, Florida, school for a few weeks before several girls complained. Administrators barred him from the boys’ restroom and instead steered him toward single-user gender neutral restrooms. A lower court last year overturned that policy after a bench trial, ordering the St. Johns County school district to let Adams use the boys’ restroom.
The 11th Circuit could become the first federal appeals court to issue a binding ruling on the issue, which has arisen in several states. The ruling would cover schools in Florida, Georgia and Alabama, and could carry the issue to the U.S. Supreme Court. The 4th Circuit had ruled in favor of a transgender Virginia student, but the U.S. Supreme Court sent the case back down for further consideration after the U.S. Department of Education, under President Donald Trump, withdrew guidance that said federal law called for treating transgender students equally, including allowing them to use the bathroom that matches their gender identity.
All the parties in the Atlanta courtroom Thursday were aware of the possibility that the ruling will set an important precedent. Lawyer Tara Borelli of Lambda Legal, who represents Adams, said after the hearing she was hoping schools will get “a clear statement that the law requires that transgender students be treated equally.”
But Circuit Judge Bill Pryor hammered Borelli, asking her how the judges could uphold the lower court ruling without setting the stage to allow anyone to ask for access to any bathroom or finding all sex-based distinctions illegal.
“These rationales apply to any form of sex-based segregation,” Pryor said.
Borelli, though, repeatedly underscored that Adams is not seeking to abolish distinctions between men and women.
“This case is only about me, a boy, being allowed to use the boys’ bathroom,” Adams said after the hearing, echoing what Borelli told Pryor.
Adams, now a student at the University of Central Florida, told reporters that he’s never had a problem using a men’s bathroom.
“Before this became an issue, nobody knew who I was, nobody cared what bathroom I used,” Adams said. “Most people when they use the bathroom, don’t look twice at who’s in there with them. So, this really wasn’t an issue until the school board made it an issue.”
A lawyer for St. Johns County urged judges to reverse the ruling and uphold the policy restricting students to the bathroom of their at-birth sex, saying the trial court judge overstepped.
“Differences between the sexes are real and it necessitates this kind of separation between the sexes,” lawyer Jeff Slanker told judges. “This has always been the way it’s been done.”
Judge Beverly Martin repeatedly asked Slanker if he could provide any specific complaints that spurred the policy. Slanker could not, saying the school district acted “proactively” to protect students’ privacy interests. The trial judge rejected this argument, finding that Adams would use a stall and that no breach of privacy would occur.
Borelli told judges the district’s policy would “heap discrimination on transgender students.”
“There is no recognized right in the law to not have to share space with transgender students,” she argued.
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Ag Commissioner Nikki Fried: We cannot let them drill for oil in the Everglades (Florida Phoenix)

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St. Johns County, St. Augustine and St. Augustine Beach are all opposed to offshore oil drilling,   We must stand in solidarity with South Florida and other environmentalists in opposing oil drilling in. our Everglades.





Ag Commissioner Nikki Fried: We cannot let them drill for oil in the Everglades

Florida Department of Environmental Protection. Credit: Agency website
Agriculture Commissioner Nikki Fried calls it “outrageous” to allow oil-drilling on-shore in the Everglades and Apalachicola basin, a move that would put “precious water, popular beaches, and wildlife at great danger of being tainted by an oil spill.”
Fried sent out emails on the issue through her political committee, Florida Consumers First, saying such activity “would destroy our tourism industry and erase all of the tax money and efforts put into protecting these areas.”
Fried, the only Democrat among the top elected officials — Gov. Ron DeSantis and three Florida Cabinet members — writes that DeSantis and the Florida Department of Environmental Protection “are about to allow oil-drilling in the Everglades and Apalachicola basin.”
Fried says the DEP “has done nothing to stop it,” and it has already approved “two permits to drill in the Everglades in Broward County with more on the way.”
The Phoenix requested information from the DEP about the drilling, but the agency did not readily provide it.
In Florida, public sentiment runs deep against drilling, especially in sensitive areas such as the iconic Everglades.
The Tampa Bay Times’ Craig Pittman wrote recently that “Oil companies have been far more successful with drilling on land in Florida. Under Gov. Ron DeSantis, the state’s Department of Environmental Protection has done little to stop them.”
Pittman writes: “The Texas company proposing to drill near the Apalachicola River is called Cholla Petroleum. The company is seeking permission to sink six exploratory wells, each of them between 13,600 feet and 14,200 feet deep, in an area of Calhoun County between the river and the Dead Lakes, a popular fishing spot.”
In addition, “In the Everglades, the company pursuing a drilling permit is not in the oil business. It’s the family-owned Kanter Real Estate, which owns 20,000 acres in Broward County. The company wants to drill an exploratory oil well on a five-acre site about 10 miles south of Alligator Alley. Kanter did not respond to a request for comment.”
See Pittman’s full report is here.
Fried said the drilling “goes against everything I stand for and will wreak havoc on the environment when an inevitable spill occurs.”
Fried’s email includes a call for donations for her political committee, using a “Click to Donate” button.
Phoenix reporter Laura Cassels contributed to this report.

Kansas City becomes first major American city with universal fare-free public transit. (435mag.com)

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I applaud Kansas City on this action.  Here in St. Johns County, Florida, County Commissioners recently voted to double transit fares, 4-1, Commissioner I. Henry Dean dissenting.

From 435mag.com:

Kansas City becomes first major American city with universal fare-free public transit

Kansas City's streetcar has been free since it opened, and is now joined by the city's bus system. PHOTO BY NATE SHEETS
Today, Kansas City became the first major American city to have fare-free public transit.
City council voted to make city bus routes fare-free, reports KSHB. The city’s light rail was already free.
Free bus service, which is expected to cost about $8 million has been pitched as a major help to low income residents who rely on transit to commute to work.
New mayor, Quinton Lucas, helped spearhead the plan with the support of city opinion leaders including the Kansas City Star‘s editorial board.
Other supporters included City Councilman Eric Bunch.
“When we’re talking about improving people’s lives who are our most vulnerable citizens, I don’t think there’s any question that we need to find that money,” Bunch told KSHB. “That’s not a ton of money and it’s money that we as a city, if we want to prioritize public transportation, it’s something that we can find.”
Public transit has been a focus on intense political activity in cities across the country as young climate change protestors demand investment in mass transit to help battle climate change.
While progressive Kansas City enacts universal fare-free transit, other cities, such as Portland, Oregon are redoubling efforts to crack down on scofflaws and hiring more transit cops to deter free riders.





Florida DEP letting Texas company drill six exploratory gas, oil wells in Apalachicola River basin. (Tallahassee Democrat)

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Ever been around a working exploratory oil well?  I have.  Florida's tourist industry flows from nature, not its destruction.  Our economy is not worth sacrificing to Big Oil.

Rather than applying the Seven Generation Test, Governor RONALD DION DeSANTIS is allowing promiscuous petroleum exploration in sensitive areas, from the Everglades to the Apalachicola River.  This vicious varmint must be stopped.  Now!

From Tallahassee Democrat: 



Florida DEP letting Texas company drill six exploratory gas, oil wells in Apalachicola River basin

Environmentalists up in arms over proposal to allow oil and gas drilling off Florida coasts James Call
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A Texas company has received permission to drill deep into the North Florida aquifer for oil and natural gas, pitting environmentalists against local officials who see the drilling as a potential boon for an economically impoverished region.
The Department of Environmental Protection issued final permits this week to allow Cholla Petroleum of Dallas to drill six exploratory wells in the Apalachicola River floodplain in rural Calhoun County. 
“Apalachicola Riverkeeper remains strongly opposed to these exploratory oil & gas wells as they pose significant ecological risk to the region,” said Georgia Ackerman, executive director of Apalachicola Riverkeeper. “We will continue to monitor the permit activities and address concerns with local and state officials.”
The group is worried the drilling will affect the region’s drinking water and fragile habitat. "The risk of damage to water quality, biologic and geologic integrity of the ecosystem from oil drilling far exceeds any benefits that a small number of property owners and an oil company will gain," Ackerman said previously. 
While environmental groups have asked the DEP to deny the permits, the Calhoun County Commission has expressed support for the project as it’s gone through the approval pipeline.
The commission submitted a letter of support for Cholla to DEP, even changing its comprehensive plan to allow for it two years ago when another company first sought to drill. Calhoun County Vice Chairman Gene Bailey told WFSU that after all the timber losses due to Hurricane Michael, “this would be a revenue source to assist the people of the county and might lead to more jobs and all. So, basically, it’s a money item.”
There are Blountstown and Calhoun County residents who oppose this drilling, Ackerman said, regardless of the County Commission’s expressed position.
“We’ve attended various legislative meetings and commission meetings over the past year,” she said. “There are concerned Calhoun residents steadfastly saying, ‘Oil drilling doesn’t belong here’.”
Back story: 
Cholla applied for permission two months prior to Hurricane Michael to sink six exploratory wells between 13,600 feet and 14,200 feet between Dead Lakes and the Apalachicola River in Calhoun County – about 15 miles south of Blountstown.
The exploratory drilling would punch into the Floridan aquifer, which environmentalists said could put the water supply for the Panhandle at risk of contamination. The permits do not authorize hydraulic fracking or commercial production, said DEP spokeswoman Dee Ann Miller. 
They also don’t guarantee a path to commercial production, she said. Such activities would require a separate process providing additional data, a spill prevention and cleanup plan and other information for DEP to review.
Like all permit applications, Cholla's was reviewed by agency staff to ensure that the exploratory drilling operation follows state law and has safeguards in place to protect the environment, human health and safety, drinking water and underground natural resources, Miller said.
“Under current Florida law DEP had no grounds to deny the Cholla permit,” Miller said. “This initial permit is for exploratory purposes only. Issuance of this permit does not guarantee that future permits or modifications will be granted by the Department.”
Contact Schweers at jschweers@gannett.com. Follow him on Twitter @jeffschweers.



"Beach Thief" MICHAEL HUCKABEE Tries to Chill Free Speech Rights. (Sun Sentinel)

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Steve Bousquet column about former Arkansas Governor MICHAEL HUCKABEE, a/k/a "BEACH THIEF" and his ME-Publican attack on First Amendment rights here in Flori-DUH.  What hateful hauteur.   From Sun-Sentinel:





Mike Huckabee has mounted an outrageous campaign to punish a Florida lawyer for verbally criticizing him on Twitter.
Mike Huckabee has mounted an outrageous campaign to punish a Florida lawyer for verbally criticizing him on Twitter. 

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COLUMN | Our unforgettable friend, Jim Sutton. (SAR)

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I join in the heartfelt appreciation of Stuart Korfhage, et al. for St. Augustine Record Opinion Editor Jim Sutton:



Opinion

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I don’t know that anyone would ever try to emulate Jim Sutton’s journalism career because of the herky-jerky nature of its ascent.
I don’t know that anyone would ever try to emulate Jim Sutton’s journalism career because of the herky-jerky nature of its ascent.
From reporter/photographer to editor, to fishing columnist to editorial writer, most of what Jim has done came without a true plan.
And no one would ever try to imitate Jim because you simply couldn’t. It would be a waste of time.
You can’t write like Jim because you can’t think like Jim. That’s OK, by the way. One Jim Sutton is enough but certainly not too much.
Without even trying, Jim is one of the funniest guys I’ve ever met. I never shy away from listening to one of his stories even if I’ve heard it 10 times before. They only get better with the retelling.
In fact, Jim can just talk about his daily routine, and you’ll probably be entertained. When he tells you some stories of the old days, your side will hurt from the laughter.
Jim is one of those people who I will talk about when I recount my years in this business. He’s a guy I can’t compare with anyone.
Since the 1980s, Jim has been a guy knows all the important people in this town. And he knows that having money or having a certain title aren’t what make you important.
I’ll always be grateful to Jim for hiring me almost 20 years ago. He didn’t try to get me to do things his way and only ever cared about the final product. Those of you who know him understand that Jim has no time for formality.
That’s one of the reasons we’ve always gotten along so well. I’m not much for that, either.
What Jim did teach me inadvertently was not to be awed by those in power and not to let anyone intimidate you into writing or not writing something. I’m still not as fearless as him, but I’m trying.
Remember that we’re talking about a guy who once — that I know of — ran into a burning building, Ketterlinus, to take photos for The Record and ended up helping a firefighter out of the smoke-filled structure.
He never really wanted to tell that story for print because he didn’t want to be considered as a hero. Well, that’s his right.
Jim doesn’t have to be called a hero. That’s a tough moniker to live up to anyway.
What we can call Jim is our friend. And you didn’t have to work with him or fish with him. Anyone who’s been a reader of The Record can claim Jim as a friend.
But don’t take my word for it. There are lots of other people who know what I’m talking about. I asked them and here are the responses:
Fred Whitley, former Record writer and copy editor: I have known Jim Sutton for a very long time and, in addition to being a co-worker for decades, I consider him a friend.
Jim has been the consummate newspaperman holding numerous titles — everything from cub reporter to editor. He really came into his own when he was appointed Opinion Page editor. He has been giving readers well researched and thought-provoking opinion pieces. His sense of humor often is on display — particularly when discussing the inept clowns we have elected to positions in Tallahassee (and elsewhere).
Lastly, Jim’s fishing column is as enjoyable as a Dave Barry or Brian Thompson column. I have friends who have never fished who read the column and enjoy it as much as I do — while I no longer am able to fish, I grew up fishing in local waters and fish vicariously through Jim.
With retirement looming, I am sure Jim will soon be casting a lure or bait in search of “the” big one. Enjoy, my friend.
Anne Heymen, former Record features editor: I am sorry to see Jim Sutton leave The Record. He has done a great job as editorial page editor. His wit and insight will certainly be missed. He has a special way with words that is a true gift.
Personally, I have known Jim for more years than I’d like to admit. Not only is he a gifted writer, but he is a good friend and a caring individual – and of course a great fisherman!
Margo Pope, former Record reporter, editor and editorial writer: Jim Sutton has always had a way with words in the now almost 40 years I have known him!
I’m one of his fans. He’s witty when times and topic need that softer side but, is stern in admonishing officials when their decisions fall short of the public’s confidence in the people they elect. I value the opinions he puts forth in editorials as much as I am a fan of his fishing column (though I have not thrown a line in the water for years). He’s a great friend, too.
Ronnie Hughes, former Record publisher: I’m happy Jim Sutton has decided to retire from a very long career at The St. Augustine Record while he’s still young enough to spend more time at his other lifetime passion — and that’s fishing.
However, I sympathize with the paper’s readers, particularly those who have followed his award-winning editorial page writing for years. They will miss him most. Jim’s editorials have always been insightful and entertaining reading material, whether he’s commenting pro or con on local or state politics or presenting the newspaper’s position on controversial subjects. He never shied away from taking a stand regardless of the backlash.
Jim has given us a viewpoint that was honest, fair, full of humor, and occasionally a little off color — but that’s just Jim’s style. He makes us laugh, a knack lacking in most small town daily newspapers. We will miss his wit, humor and yes, courage, that he has exhibited so well as the Record’s editorial page editor.
Delinda Fogle, former Record publisher: Hiring Jim Sutton at The Record was one of the best decisions I made there as publisher. He did always come through in a pinch from the first time I called him. He had no idea who I was when I left him a voicemail message about a temporary position I had at The Record. In typical Jim fashion, he called me back and said he needed to “come down and meet me” before he would entertain my proposal. That temporary assignment turned into a permanent position as editorial writer. It was a perfect match to showcase his writing, wit and love of St. Augustine.
Jim was a brilliant storyteller. I was amazed at his ability to take a collection of thoughts on anything from fishing to politics and email me back 15 minutes later with an entertaining story ready to print. His community voice and wicked sense of humor will be missed. I wish Jim all the best in his next chapter.
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